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Obama shuns the Dalai Lama

2009-09-18T20:22:05Z

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970203917304574416310279608876.html?mod=googlenews_wsj

Shunning Tibet

The Obama Administration may think its decision to cold shoulder the Dalai Lama on the Tibetan leader's upcoming trip to Washington is smart politics. But if the leader of the free world doesn't stand up for religious freedom, who will?

The news broke earlier this week when an Obama aide told the Tibetans that the President wants to meet Chinese leaders before he meets the Dalai Lama. This is par for the course for an Administration that gave only lackluster support to Iran's democrats and has made conciliatory overtures to Putin's Russia and Kim Jong Il's North Korea.

But it's still a big departure from a significant and important tradition: President George Bush met the Dalai Lama every time the monk visited Washington; as did President Bill Clinton. The Tibetans hadn't formally scheduled a meeting with President Obama for next month, but the Dalai Lama had expressed his hope to meet the President on the trip.

Mr. Obama may be trying to smooth the waters after raising tariffs on Chinese tire imports Friday. Or he may think that a Tibet snub will buy him concessions from China when he visits Beijing in November. Or he may be simply caving to Chinese pressure not to have the meeting. China has bullied Australia, Germany, Canada and France in recent years for welcoming the man they label a "splittist."

By delaying his meeting with the Dalai Lama, Mr. Obama is only rewarding that choleric behavior and giving Beijing more leeway to protest whenever he does work up the nerve to meet the Dalai Lama. It also sends a message to other democracies that it's acceptable to cave to Chinese pressure.

Also missing from this picture is any understanding of why the Dalai Lama's cause is so important to both Chinese and U.S. interests. The Dalai Lama advocates the same human freedoms on which the U.S. was founded: Democracy and the right to exercise basic civil liberties, including freedom of worship. China won't be a stable and prosperous country until it respects these freedoms. And a peaceful China is in everyone's interests.

President Obama has been in office nearly eight months; that's twice as long as it took for Messrs. Bush or Clinton to meet the Dalai Lama. The Tibetans certainly understand what's going on: Prime Minister Samdhong Rinpoche said Tuesday that "a lot of nations are adopting a policy of appeasement" toward China "even the U.S. government." This is change we can believe in?

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it's the Uighurs this time...

2009-07-09T21:27:56Z

After the 2008 Tibet riots, China is face again with another ethnic protest. The same routine, protest starts out peacefully, minorities trying to vent out their frustration from occupation and repression (individual and religious freedom). Police/militia take harsh response with deadly results.

China has to face the issue, it cannot simply used brute force which is the only way it knows, eventually people will go out of the way if their issue is not address. the Chinese communist needs to sit down and listen for once. The old ways will not apply, this is the 21st century and for a country who is trying to gear itself as a world power then it has to start from it's within and work it's way out to the world.

It's just too sad again, all those repression and discrimination coming out with a vengeful force and as always it's the civilians, be it the Hans or the minorities who suffer, not the top politburos of the system.

Chinese government has to admit that there is a problem, so a solution can follow.

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Bartcop.com on The New American Dream

2009-04-19T01:13:43Z

http://www.newamericandream.net/index.html

The New American Dream

Feature Interview
The Weekend
April 17

Bartcop.com's Terry Coppage, from Tulsa:

"Well, as you might know, I've got a smart mouth, always had a smart mouth.

And in 1993 my boss said, 'Bart, you ought to try this Internet thing, it's brand-new.' "

Poetry:
by Doug Draime
by Del "Abe" Jones

Columns:
A Progressive Pondering Healthcare — Joe Mayer of Rochester, Minnesota
Who's Killing Americans? Is it Dick Cheney? — Jim Fetzer, of Duluth, Minnesota

Political Art by Ben Heine of Brussels

and some other stuff ....

Thanks for stopping by.

The Dream Team
http://www.newamericandream.net/index.html

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This Week on The New American Dream

2009-04-15T20:30:13Z

http://www.newamericandream.net/index.html

The New American Dream
... well ... because we're dreaming of Dick Cheney and George Bush in a big black car limousine motorcade with those little American flags on the front quarter panels on their way to prison

... we're dreaming of a USA truth commission and Cub Scout tours of the "secret" FBI and CIA

and some other stuff

This Week's Feature Interviews:

Monday - Timbre Wolf, a musician who moved from Tulsa to Hawaii

Tuesday - Al Markovitz, of Norfolk, Virginia, the Tulsa of the east coast, editor of the Blue Collar Review, "journal of working class literature"

Wednesday - Aimee England, the mayor of Tulsa — no, actually, Aimee lives in Michigan and spent over twenty years working in an independent, radical bookstore

Thursday - Lee Rayburn, radio show host, formerly of Air American Radio and also Madison, Wisconsin. [never been to Tulsa.]

Friday - Bartcop, of Bartcop.com, from where else? Tulsa.

Columns:
Steve Clemens of the Twin Cities
Lydia Sems from Atlanta

Poetry:
More from Ava Bird of Berkeley

and some other stuff

Thank you.

The Dream Team
http://www.newamericandream.net/index.html

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Stop the executions!

2009-04-09T20:30:18Z

http://actionnetwork.org/campaign/stoptheexecutions?rk=odNnaJEqQCzbE

China: Stop the Executions!
On April 8th, China sentenced two Tibetans, Lobsang Gyaltsen and Loyak, to death for their alleged involvement in last year's protests in Lhasa. Two others, Phuntsok and Kangtsuk, were also sentenced to death but with a two year reprieve, and Dawa Sangpo was sentenced to life imprisonment.

These harsh sentences signal an alarming escalation in the Chinese government's campaign to punish and intimidate Tibetans who dare to speak out against Chinese rule.

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A Hell On Earth

2009-04-08T01:49:13Z

full story at link

http://www.nybooks.com/articles/22510

Excerpt:

'A Hell on Earth'
By Pico Iyer

"The situation inside Tibet is almost like a military occupation," I heard the Dalai Lama tell an interviewer last November, when I spent a week traveling with him across Japan. "Everywhere. Everywhere, fear, terror. I cannot remain indifferent." Just moments before, with equal directness and urgency, he had said, "I have to accept failure. In terms of the Chinese government becoming more lenient [in Chinese-occupied Tibet], my policy has failed. We have to accept reality."

Accepting reality—first investigating it clearly, and then seeing what can be done with it—is for him a central principle, and now he was about to convene a meeting of Tibetans in his exile home, in Dharamsala, India, and then another, in Delhi, of foreign supporters of Tibet, to discuss alternative approaches to relieving the ever more brutal fifty-year-long suppression of Tibet by Beijing. "This ancient nation with its own unique cultural heritage is dying," he said later the same day. "The situation inside Tibet is almost something like a death sentence."

It was shocking to hear such words from a man who has become one of the modern globe's foremost embodiments of patience and the power of never giving up. I had spent a week with him traveling across Japan the previous November—and the one before that—and even then he had been working hard to find common ground with China, though he was never slow to speak out against corruption, censorship, and oppression in the People's Republic. In the thirty-four years I've been regularly talking and listening to him, I've grown used to seeing him begin each day by praying for his "Chinese brothers and sisters," and constantly asking his fellow Tibetans "to reach out to the Chinese people and make better relations." He was still doing all that this winter and yet there was a sense, for the first time that I had seen, that he could no longer contain his impatience and disappointment with Beijing, and was determined to speak out now, telling the world what he knew, while also urging his people to prepare for the time when their leader for sixty-nine years, who is now seventy-three years old, would no longer be among them.

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Dreaming the NEW American Dream

2009-04-05T15:01:27Z

California poets Ava Bird & Rex Butters, and....

Santa Cruz artist Russell Brutsche - Karen Kwiatkowski of Virginia

Protests to stop immigration raids ... and more.
____________________

http://www.newamericandream.net

The New American Dream

What's New?

* Karen Kwiatkowski column
* Ava Bird poetry
* Rex Butters poetry
* Gary Mennie poetry

Columns:
Sherwood Ross — why not shut down a few prisons in the United States as well?
Mickey Z — Americans are cowards, too comfortable, will never-ever-not-in-one-million-years revolt-or-even-bother-to-stand-up — no matter what the rich folks do to them.
Lydia Sems — It's The American Dream that is the problem.

and more from Jack Saunders ...

Resistance:
* Planned civil disobedience in Minnesota to stop raids against immigrants
* Protests at Creech AFB against U.S. drone terroristic activity
*100 days of protest against Guantanamo to culminate

All this, Northern Exposure, The Big Lebowski, Paradise by the Dashboard Lights ... a certificate for free toast ... and more.

Join us.

The New American Dream
Dude.
... because ... Sister Mary Anne told us, "There are no wrong questions, if you don't know the answers."

... from the Dream Team

http://www.newamericandream.net

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Thousands Clash with Chinese Police Over Death of Tibetan Monk Eastern Tibet

2009-03-22T13:09:13Z

Thousands Clash with Chinese Police Over Death of Tibetan Monk Eastern Tibet

Saturday, 21 March 2009, 7:25 p.m.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Dharamshala: Around 4,000 Tibetans protested and clashed with Chinese police over the death of a Tibetan monk from Amdo Golog Ragya monastery in Gyulgho township (Ch: Lajong), Machen county, Qinghai, who committed suicide by jumping into nearby Machu river today around 3.30 p.m. (Beijing time), sources from the region said.

The monk has been identified as Tashi Sangpo, aged 25 and is a native of Thongde county in Gartse.

He was amongst those monks who were involved in removing China's flag and in its place hoisting the Tibetan national atop the main prayer hall of the monastery on 10 March 2009. After the incident, the security forces have maintained strict patrol and completely locked down the monastery.

Tashi Sangpo tried to evade arrest by Chinese police today after they claimed to have found a Tibetan national flag and suspicious documents from his room. He jumped into Machu river which is located near the monastery.

A view of Machu river flowing near Ragya monastery

The body of Tashi Sangpo is not yet found.

Sources said the situation in the region is very tense.

The protesters carrying banned Tibetan national flag and banners, shouted slogans such as “Independence for Tibet” and “Long Live His Holiness the Dalai Lama.”

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5oth Anniversary of Tibetan Uprising

2009-03-06T21:04:56Z

Below is an account of the Tibetan Uprising of 1959---the 50th anniversary of which is being observed this coming week---the events leading up to it, and its aftermath.

Of interest to Kagyupas is the mention of the important role played in it by Tsarong Dasang Dadul, grandfather of Chetsang Rinpoche, one of two throneholders of the Drikung Kagyu, and subsequent his death in prison.

March Winds -- Remembering the Great Uprisings Of '56 And '59
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Jamyang Norbu
WTN
March 6, 2006

Three years ago I wrote an article which in large part was a commemoration of this year's 50th anniversary of the March 10th Uprising. Some might feel I jumped the commemoration gun here, but I have, for a long time now, viewed the Khampa Uprising of 1956 as the opening conflict of the Tibetan revolution that culminated in the Lhasa Uprising of 1959. And, of course, though the ripple effects of the revolution have since then largely remained invisible under the surface of Chinese Communist repression, they have at unexpected moments erupted as in last year's historic uprising. Despite the brutality of official reprisals and the large-scale military clampdown throughout the Tibetan plateau, a number of protests, demonstrations and a self-immolation have already taken place this year.

The one prediction we can make with any confidence about the future of Tibet is that there will be more uprisings. Therefore remembering and honouring these events of our recent past should not be viewed as a symbolic ritual or an academic or literary task. It should rather be an occasion for us to renew our commitment to fight for freedom and justice, and to prepare for that day in the near future when the final uprising, the rangzen revolution, will surely come.

This long article is an expanded version of "Forgotten Anniversary - Remembering the Great Khampa Uprising of 1956 which appeared in Phayul.com on 7 Dec 2006. I have made a number of corrections and additions and discussed the Lhasa Uprising at more length. I have also included a few photographs from the Rangzen Archives and from the AMI Visual Archives.

------------------------
In 2006 the 50th anniversary of the Hungarian Revolution against Soviet occupation was observed with due ceremony and honour throughout Hungary, though in the capital, Budapest, the celebrations were somewhat marred by anti-government protests. Newspapers, magazines and TV networks world-over came out with reports on the anniversary and also retrospectives and commentaries on the events of '56 in Hungary.

A far larger and bloodier popular uprising took place that same year in Eastern Tibet, against another totalitarian Communist giant, Red China. But the 50th anniversary of this momentous historical event was entirely ignored by the world, which, distressing as it was, was not very surprising seeing that the Dalai Lama and his exile government also chose to overlook it.

The Hungarian revolt lasted for nineteen days. 2,500 Hungarian freedom fighters were killed and about 13,000 wounded. In Kham the uprising started in February 1956 and lasted until 1962, at least within Tibet, and it was only in August 1974 that Gyatotsang Wangdu, the last resistance leader was ambushed and killed and the guerilla base at Mustang, on the Nepalese frontier, closed down. No one really knows how many people died in this entire conflict. A conservative estimate would have to be no less than half a million people, on the Tibetan side. These facts and figures have not been cited to draw a comparison with what happened in Hungary, since statistics can tell us little about the actual courage and sacrifice of the heroic freedom fighters in both Hungary and Tibet. It was rather to emphasize the bizarre neglect that the Tibetan revolution has congenitally suffered, particularly from those who owe the most to it.

The people of Kham, or Eastern Tibet, rose up against Chinese occupation when Communist authorities began to implement "democratic reforms", the program to eliminate monastic and tribal leadership and eradicate the traditional social system. The program involved thamzing struggles, public humiliation, beating, torture, forced confessions, imprisonment and often executions. Suicides were widespread in areas where "democratic reforms" were announced.

In exile folklore an archetypal origin of sorts has been ascribed to the events of 1956 in the Lithang Uprising. I may have contributed a little to this development with my play YUNRU, first performed at TIPA in 1981. The paramount resistance chief of Lithang, Yunru Pon was not only a very young and enigmatic personality, but his death in action was the stuff of epic films. He and other Lithangwa chiefs and warriors defended the great monastery of Lithang (founded by the 3rd Dalai Lama) against numerous Chinese infantry assaults, artillery bombardment, and bombing by Chinese aircraft based at Chengdu. When his ammunition ran out Yunru Pon faked a surrender and approaching the Chinese commander shot him dead with a concealed pistol, before being gunned down by Chinese soldiers in a most spectacular manner. One eyewitness, Loto Phuntsok, testified to the International Commission of Jurists in 1959, that 500 Chinese soldiers fired on Yunru Pon.

Violent insurrections had taken place earlier in Eastern Tibet in Gyalthang (south of Lithang) in 1952/54 under the leadership of Wangchuk Tempa, aka Aku Lemar (he was bald) and also in north-eastern Tibet (Amdo) in Hormukha and Nangra, under Pon Choje and Pon Wangchen. According to Rinzin, a surviving eyewitness of the fighting in Amdo, "so many people were killed, so many committed suicide and so many fled to Lhasa that only a few blind men, cripples, fools and some children were left".

However, the Khampa uprisings of 1956 should be considered the beginning of our great national revolution because these were not isolated events but involved many districts, regions and tribes. The uprisings were, surprisingly, coordinated to quite an extent. According to one source twenty-three major chiefs of Lithang, Chatreng, Batang, Lingkashi, Nyarong, Gyalthang, Gyalrong, Horko, Gaba and other areas, communicated with each other and arranged a common day to launch the uprising. This was the eighteenth day of the Tibetan New Year of 1956.

In Nyarong the attack on the Chinese headquarters at Drugmo Dzong (Dragon Castle) took place four days earlier, on the 14th. The fighting here was led by a young woman, Dorji Yudon, whose sister and husband (the chieftain Nima Gyaritsang) were being held hostage by the Chinese at Dhartsedo. In a conversation with this amazing woman (very soft-spoken and less than five feet tall) she told me that she received a letter from Yunru Pon, calling on Nyarong to revolt. She was forced to advance the date of her attack as she was tipped off that the Chinese were coming to arrest her. Other Khampa women also fought against the Chinese and in some cases, like Dorji Yudon, even led resistance groups. When one of the chieftains of Gonjo, Lemda Pon, died, his daughter, Pachen, took up the fight and fought stubbornly for a number of years till her people and her family were wiped out and she herself captured and imprisoned for twenty years.

The districts of Gonjo, Drayak, Chagra Pembar, Shopado, Western Derge, Pomo, Dzachukha, Trehor and Markham joined in the fighting some months after the initial uprising. With the whole of Eastern Tibet now ablaze with insurrection, the Red Army embarked on a genocidal course of reprisals. One of my informants, Nyarong Aten (whose biography I authored) had at first collaborated with the Chinese and he told me that a Chinese officer Colonel Len explained to him why Tibetan children had to be killed "…we are to exterminate them all, even the women and children … if you crush the nits, there will be no more lice." Now a large flow of refugees began to make its way to Lhasa. The Dalai Lama and his government retained nominal authority in Central Tibet, but insignificant as it was, even that was eroding every day as the Chinese occupation force in Lhasa grew ever stronger, with reinforcements arriving daily on the new motor road.

Khampa residents in Lhasa became increasingly troubled with the catastrophic news from their homeland. One prominent merchant of Lithang, Gompo Tashi Andrugtsang, secretly began creating a resistance movement inside the city. Using the cover of organizing a public religious event, a Long Life Prayer Ceremony for the Dalai Lama he raised funds, contacted important lamas, various leaders, and also officials of the Tibetan government, including the Dalai Lama's Lord Chamberlain, Phala. This ceremony had an underlying political significance that expressed the people's loyalty to the Dalai Lama, and Gompo Tashi used it brilliantly to reassert the fundamental unity of Kham, Amdo and Central Tibet under the sovereign rule of the Dalai Lama. He symbolized this in the offering of a golden throne to the Dalai Lama from the three provinces of Tibet.

Then in 1958 he formed a resistance army, the Four Rivers Six Ranges (a geographical description of Eastern Tibet) at Driguthang, south of Lhasa. Agents of the resistance movement were sent to India were able to contact the CIA. Eventually with the participation of the Dalai Lama's older brother, Thupten Jigme Norbu, and later under the direction of His Holiness's other brother, Gyalo Thondup, a program was created where Tibetan volunteers were flown to a secret training camp at Colorado and trained in communications, weaponry, guerrilla warfare, and parachuting.

The first American arms drops that arrived in the July of 1958, about four hundred rifles, could not match the demand from the large number of volunteers that had gathered at Driguthang. But Gompo Tashi still managed to launch a number of long-range strikes against Chinese positions in northern Tibet, western Tibet and even back inside Kham in the Sho-Ta-Lho-Sum area. News of these attacks and Chinese defeats appeared in Lhasa city on wall posters, and thrilled the populace. Khampa refugees in Lhasa began to make their way to Driguthang, as well as volunteers from Lhasa (many ex-soldiers) Gyangtse, Shelkar and other districts in Central and Western Tibet. The resistance now took on a broader pan-Tibetan character and was renamed "the Volunteer Army to Defend the Faith" (Tensung Dhanglang Makar) to reflect this transformation.

Whatever the immediate reasons for the Lhasa Uprising of March 1959 - the invitation to the Dalai Lama to attend a cultural show at the Chinese headquarters and so on - the fundamental cause for this defining event was certainly the Khampa uprising and continued resistance. This, in a real sense, provided the inspiration and the opportunity for the Lhasa populace, the remaining units of the old Tibetan army and loyal government officials to strike a final blow for their leader and country - before the Chinese took control completely.

Even a cursory account of March 1959 would require at least a book, but perhaps I can briefly cover some less well know events in that Uprising, and also record the names of some of the brave but unknown people, peasants, monks, nuns, soldiers, artisans, and aristocrats who took part. We now know that it was a junior official, Barshi Ngawang Tenkyong (with the support of some officials as Phala) who first spread the news of the Dalai Lama's proposed visit to the Chinese military headquarters for the cultural show, and who "was instrumental in organizing public opposition to this". Then we have the creation of the People's Assembly and the women's demonstrations on 12th March led by "Pamo" (heroine) Kunsang and Galingshar Choela, a nun from Mechungri Nunnery, both later executed in prison

The Uprising was coordinated by the People's Assembly, a gathering of government officials, military men, monks and heads of the various trade guilds and mutual-aid groups (kyidug). They met at the government printing press (Shol Parkhang) at the Shol hamlet below the Potala. Weapons were obtained from the government armoury in the Shol Military HQ and distributed to all the fighters including monks from Sera, Drepung and Ganden who came to the hamlet secretly in the night. With about three hundred people in the Assembly there was a lot of talking and back and forth, but soon a clear leadership began to emerge in the persons of the monk official Khenchung Lobsang Tsewang (Minkyiling) and Tsarong Dasang Dadul, the first commander in chief of Tibet's modern army, but now an old man.

Tsarong had returned from India a few months earlier with the intention of rescuing the young Dalai Lama (as he told my uncle in Darjeeling). He had, decades, earlier helped the Thirteenth Dalai Lama escape from the clutches of Manchu soldiers. One eyewitness told me that on the first night of the fighting (March 20th) he saw Tsarong in a large chamber in Shol, with a map (probably Aufschnaiter's map of Lhasa) spread out before him. He was smoking heavily (the room was full of cigarette smoke) and issuing instruction to various people. He told my informant to go and help dig trenches. He had a Colt automatic pistol tucked in the belt of his chuba. He survived the fighting and was captured by the Chinese. He died in prison. At least three people I interviewed, who were with him in prison, told me that he just laughed and joked till his last day.

The few surviving units of the old Tibetan army, supported by volunteers from the Lhasa public, were distributed around the important areas of the city. The Guards regiment (Kusung Magar) defended the Norbulingka along with a unit from the Gyangtse regiment, another unit of which was posted at Shol. The Lhasa police force was took charge of the Jokhang area, Lubu and Ramoche. I will not go into details of the fighting in the center of the city. Most Tibetans have heard of the legendary police major, Rinzin Paljor, also know as Rupon Gura (hunchback) because he was tortured by the Chinese in 1933 and his back permanently damaged). This extraordinary man had some policemen and volunteers haul a large howitzer and a number of mortars through the streets and alleys of Central Lhasa, all of which he would, from time to time, personally set up, aim and fire at Chinese positions.

The Potala Palace and Chakpori were defended by soldiers of the Drapchi regiment. Chinese infantry charged up the Chakpori (Iron Hill) held by about seventy-seven soldiers. Twice the Tibetan soldiers beat back the charges. Then the Chinese trained their artillery barrage on the hill. One of the last defenders was Sergeant Tashi Tsewang, who kept on firing his bren machine-gun although covered with blood and dying. His son, a soldier, Kalsang Wangdu, said "Pala, give me the bren gun, Pala. As his father's head fell back, the young soldier took the bren from his father's hand and commenced firing at the attacking Chinese soldiers. Then the entire building collapsed when it received a direct hit from an artillery shell. My informant was the only survivor who escaped from the hill. When the Chinese made their final charge there was no one left alive on the hill. In Communist propaganda films you see their soldiers charging up what they refer to as "Yowang" (?) hill, and Tibetan soldiers surrendering immediately afterward. But this latter footage is actually of the soldiers of the Guards regiment (check the uniform) surrendering at the Norbulingka barracks. I was told that the whole thing was reenactment for the documentary. The photograph of Tsarong and other prisoners marching with their hands up was also a reenactment.

Following the events in Lhasa, the nomads of western Changtang, under the leadership of Nagtsang Pubo of Shentsa Dzong, rose up against the Chinese. A support team was parachuted near Lake Namtso, to back up the revolt, but it failed to make contact with the fighters. The following year the nomads of Sog, Bachen and other districts in north-eastern Changtang, under the leadership of Pon Norbu Tsering put together a formidable resistance force of at least five to seven thousand fighting men. The Chinese at once sent in a couple of divisions of infantry, supported by cavalry units, armoured cars, tanks and even jet fighters based at Damshung north of Lhasa. A team of eight Tibetan specialists was parachuted in to support the uprising, which they successfully did, following which nine separate arms drops were made.

On learning that the Chinese were using tanks against the resistance fighters another eight-man team of Tibetans, trained in using bazookas and 75mm recoilless rifles, were also parachuted in. The Chinese air-dropped leaflets calling on the Tibetans to surrender, but the Tibetans got the Americans to drop thousands of facsimile copies of a letter from the Dalai Lama urging Tibetans to resist. Many Tibetans kept the letter as an amulet. After six months of savage fighting the resistance force here was completely wiped out. The last radio communication that the CIA received was from "Nathan", the codename of Andrugtsang Ngawang Phulchung, the team leader. Under withering fire he sent out the message that tank-led columns were closing on their position. Not a single member of the two teams got out.

In March 1961 a seven-man team led by Phupatsang Yeshi Wangyal ("Tim") was parachuted into Markham. The resistance force here though once around twenty thousand strong, had weakened considerably by this time. Though the inserted team managed to make contact with what remained of the resistance force (about sixty odd fighters) the Chinese wiped them all out within the year. The Chinese were reported to have had 70,000 troops in Markham district alone. The only surviving member of the team, a doctor in the Lhasa police force, Nyemo Bhusang (my informant and friend) had earlier fought in the '59 Uprising with Rupon Gura at the Jhokang. He was captured in Markham and imprisoned for eighteen years.

We must bear in mind that at any one time during the Soviet war in Afghanistan the Russians only had about 80,000 to 100,000 troops throughout the country. In Tibet (including Kham and Amdo) it appears that the Chinese had about half a million soldiers based there. From most accounts it also appears that the Chinese used "human wave" (ch. ren-hai zhan-shu) tactics against the numerically inferior Tibetans. In a number of interviews survivors spoke of entire mountainsides being covered with yellow (tib. ri ser-chigi). The Chinese uniforms being khaki or "yellow". Of course such tactics would translate into high casualty figures for the Chinese as well, which might account for the prevalence of many "Martyr's Memorial" cemeteries (ch. lishi-mu) In a number of district headquarters in Kham, where reportedly tens of thousands of Chinese military personnel were buried, in many cases three or four bodies in one coffin.

From anecdotal evidence alone the scale of the fighting and the subsequent deaths and dislocation in Eastern Tibet appear to have been enormous. A leading American China scholar, Roderick MacFarquhar, considered that the Tibetan Resistance produced "the gravest episode of internal disorder (in the People's Republic of China) prior to the Cultural Revolution . . ." Chinese figures taken from their 1982 census, twenty years after the revolt had been crushed, reveal far fewer men than women throughout Kham and parts of Amdo. Such disparate sex-ratio figures do not appear in other areas of Tibet or China, although vast numbers of people died in these places too, especially during the post "Great Leap" famine, but which, one can reasonably conclude, affected both sexes equally.

The only published figures we have for Tibetans killed in the Lhasa Uprising and its aftermath is from official Chinese sources. A booklet marked "secret" and published in Lhasa on October 1, 1960 by the political department of the Tibetan Military District, states : "From last March (1959) up to now (1960) we have already wiped out (ch. xiaomie) over 87,000 of the enemy."

At a conference in Harvard in 2002, on "Tibet and the Cold War", some American sinologists there insisted on explaining that the term "xiaomie", though literally "wipe out" could be interpreted to mean "imprisoned" or "removed" and so on. This was academic claptrap of the most specious kind. Many words in most languages have alternative or synonymous meanings. For instance the word "kill" does not necessarily have to mean the taking of life. It could be used in the context of ending a deal, or even causing laughter to an extreme degree. But if a police report stated that so and so was killed would we seriously consider these semantic substitutes? So why should we do so in the case of a Chinese "military", repeat "military" document where, almost certainly, precise and unambiguous language would be called for.

At a famous libel trial in London in 1994, the notorious holocaust denier, David Irving, made a similar comment about the German term "ausrotung" (extirpation) used by Hitler, which Irving argued did not mean mass-murder but rather "uproot" or "enforced immigration". He also took issue with the word "vernichtung", which historians generally consider a euphemism for annihilation. Irving argued that the term was used by the Nazi's only in a rhetorical sense.

The Tibetans issue has spawned its own share of "holocaust deniers", a leading one being the anthropologist Melvin Goldstein who has stated that there was no genocide of Tibetans by the Chinese. He has also advocated that Tibetans give up their national rights and live in "cultural reservations" in the PRC. In his 1996 report on the Golok nomads of north-eastern Tibet, Goldstein makes passing mention that they resisted the Chinese occupation militarily, that the fighting was severe and that there were many casualties. But then he continues - without a hint of irony, or use of qualifications or parenthesis - that "… the area was pacified and liberated only in 1952." Goldstein further informs us that there was a second substantial outbreak of fighting in the 1957-58 period. In a footnote he adds: "It is interesting to note that the figure of Goulou (Golok) population growth in the Socio-Economic Baseline Survey reveals a sharp decline in population between 1957-58."

But that genocide, ethnic cleansing, holocaust or whatever you want to call it, had taken place in the Golok region is undeniable. A Chinese academic who traveled through Golok and made a thorough study of the situation there, concluded that the Golok population had been reduced from about 1,30,000 in 1956 to about 60,000 in 1963. (China Spring, June 1986). More than half the population had been wiped out.

The late Panchen Lama, Chokyi Gyaltsen, courageously spoke up about the genocide of the Golok people in an official speech in Beijing. "In Amdo and Kham, people were subjected to unspeakable atrocities … In Golok area, many people were killed and their dead bodies rolled down the hill into a big ditch. The soldiers told the family members and relatives of the dead people that they should celebrate since the rebels have been wiped out. They were forced to dance on the dead bodies. Soon after, they were also massacred with machine guns."

I will stop here. I know there is so much more to tell, but this piece was written to remind Tibetans of the forgotten anniversaries of our national revolution, not as a history of the resistance. All Tibetans need to be reminded of these tragic yet great events, especially those of us who made it into exile and freedom. In the aftermath of the Lhasa Uprising nearly everyone who managed to escape from Central Tibet did so largely because the major Chinese garrison at Tsetang, south of Lhasa, was under siege by the resistance, which allowed a safe corridor for refugees to flee to India.

Refugees from Tö, Ngari and Kyirong in Western Tibet had a relatively easier time escaping because Chinese troops were tied down by the fighting in Central Tibet and Kham. Later when the Mustang base became operational, Chinese military movement in Western Tibet became greatly curtailed, especially during 1963 and 1964 when the Xinjiang /Shigatse highway became all but unusable because of guerrilla attacks. This allowed more refugees from Western Tibet to escape through the Mustang corridor.

All the Tibetans from Kongpo and Pemako area who escaped to India in 1962, managed to do so because of the leadership and guidance of the ten-man guerilla team that had earlier been inserted into that area, and that organized the mass evacuation of the local people to Arunachal Pradesh. These refugees were subsequently resettled in camps at Miao, Tezu, and Chaglang. From the mid sixties onwards after the resistance was completely crushed and the Tibetan border sealed, the flow of refugees to India and Nepal virtually dried up to nothing.

It is safe to say there would have been no exile-government at Dharamshala if it weren't for the Uprisings of 1956 and 1959. Which is why we must ask why Dharamshala did not observe the anniversary of the '56 Khampa Uprising and appears to be be doing nothing more for the '59 Uprising, other than arranging a Long Life Prayer Ceremony for His Holiness? Is it because the actions of our leaders and the present policies of the government in exile are in stark contradiction to the idealism of those who fought and died for Tibetan freedom? Is this is why Dharamshala appears to be more comfortable celebrating betrayal and treachery rather than courage and sacrifice?

In 2006 an official Tibetan translation of a biography of the arch collaborator, Phuntsok Wangyal, was published at Dharamshala (the English original by Melvyn Goldstein appeared in 2004). The book was released with much fanfare in the Tibetan exile community with Prime Minister Samdong Rimpoche presiding over the function and praising Phuntsok Wangyal as a great Tibetan and a philosopher. In a subsequent discussion on the book on Radio Free Asia, I pointed out that Wangyal had been deeply involved in the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1950, acting as the chief guide to the invading Chinese Army, the main organizer and supplier of food grain and pack animals (on which he and his partner Chagotsang Topden reportedly made a lot of money) and attempting, in various clandestine ways, to get Tibetan officials and military personnel in Chamdo and Markham to betray their country. Not a single officer did.

All the subsequent stories of betrayal and treachery by government officials are just that - stories. Even Ngabo went over to the Chinese side only after he was captured and Phuntsok Wangyal spent many hours indoctrinating him. Over a thousand Tibetans, regular soldiers and Khampa militia died defending their country in 1950. During the discussion on Radio Free Asia the Tibetan translator of the biography insisted that Phuntsok Wangyal could not be considered a traitor since the Chinese would have won the war anyway even without his assistance.

I say this with all due respect, but Samdong Rimpoche should reflect on what might have been his own fate had resistance fighters not protected his escape route in 1959. I have interviewed a few incarnate lamas left behind in Tibet after the uprising and their accounts were invariably harrowing. Under similar circumstances it seems very possible that Samdong Rimpoche would have ended up in some bleak laogai farm, in a line of gaunt, starving prisoners, chanting "yi-ér yi-ér" (one-two one-two), as they shuffled in time, bent over with the weight of wicker baskets overflowing with fetid night-soil.

But far more important for all Tibetans is, of course, the question of what might have happened to the Dalai Lama under these circumstances? What if there had been no uprising, or no armed escort of resistance fighters to cover his escape from Lhasa? What if he had been forced to remain in Tibet? I have asked and answered these questions in another essay some years ago, but I think they could be re-examined to some profit.

Had the Dalai Lama remained behind it is fairly possible that, especially with the advent of the Cultural Revolution, he would have undergone imprisonment, public humiliation and torture, much like the Panchen Lama. Even if that had not happened he certainly would have become a Chinese puppet. In the opinion of His Holiness's youngest brother, Tendzin Choegyal, had the Dalai Lama remained in Tibet "…they (the Chinese) would have would have used His Holiness just as the Japanese used poor Pu Yi (the last Manchu Emperor). That's what he would have become, another Pu Yi." (Kundun, Mary Craig, Harper Collins, 1997). So, in a real sense the Dalai Lama owes his freedom, his present international stature and even his Nobel Prize, to courageous fighting men who rescued him not only from physical danger but also from a situation that was politically and morally compromising.

At the very least anyone who considers himself or herself a Tibetan should spare a moment to remember all those incredibly brave men and women without whose courage, sacrifice and most of all, resolve, there would probably now be no Dalai Lama, no exile-government, no exile-community, no Tibetan cause and perhaps even no Tibetan culture and religion, other than the museum or dharma center variety.

It is especially important to remember these people now, as many heroic Tibetan men and women are following in their footsteps and more seem determined to do so for the foreseeable future. The hard truth is that the uprisings will never stop. All of us, especially His Holiness and the exile-government, must accept this. Whether peaceful, as they appear to be at present, or violent, which is the grim possibility in the future - the uprisings will absolutely go on. The only way the uprisings will ever stop is when the Chinese succeed in wiping us out as a people, or when Tibet becomes independent.

SELECT NOTES:
* Jamyang Norbu, Warriors of Tibet: The Story of Aten and the Khampas' Fight for the Freedom of their Country, Wisdom, Boston 1986. First published in 1979.

* Roderick MacFarquhar, The Origins of the Cultural Revolution, New York: Columbia University Press, 1983.

* The Population Atlas of China, Oxford University Press, 1987)

* Xizang xingshi wenwu jiaoyu di jiben jiaocai, Lhasa: Political Department of the Tibetan Military District, 1960.)

* Melvyn C. Goldstein, "The Dragon and the Snowlion: The Tibetan Question in the 20th Century", CHINA BRIEFING, 1990, New York, the Asia Society, 1990. Reprinted in TIBETAN REVIEW, March 1991.)

* Speech by the 10th Panchen Lama at a meeting of the Sub-Committee of the National People's Congress in Peking on situation in Tibet, 28 March 1987.

* Nomads of Golok: A Report Melvyn C. Goldstein, Case Western Reserve University, Dec.14,1996. www.case.edu/affil/tibet/tibetanNomads/golok.htm

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Bejiing steps up security during Losar

2009-02-28T00:01:57Z

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/3c1f2452-03a5-11de-b405-000077b07658.html

Beijing steps up Tibet security

China has imposed a heavy police presence on areas celebrating the Tibetan new year, which started yesterday and could be the first of several flashpoints in the autonomous region during the next month.

The 15-day celebration, called Losar, is usually one of most festive times for Tibetans, but this year there has been an underground campaign to boycott celebrations in memory of those killed during the wave of protests in the region last year.

Chinese officials have been worried about the potential for unrest round other sensitive dates, including the 50th anniversary of the failed Tibetan uprising against the Beijing government that led the Dalai Lama to flee into exile on March 10 1959. Beijing has named March 28 "Serf Emancipation Day", a new holiday to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the official dissolution of the Tibetan government that was led by the Dalai Lama.

Analysts say the pre-emptive security clampdown indicates Beijing's lack of confidence that it can predict and prevent protests.

The Chinese authorities say they are responding to an increased risk of crime in the region. There were reports yesterday that explosives had been found under a bridge in Tibet.

In a statement on Tuesday evening, the Dalai Lama said Tibetans should not respond to the "provocation" of the security build-up.

The campaign to boycott the new year, which Tibetan activists describe as civil -disobedience, has been building for several months. The authorities have countered with aggressive propaganda efforts, including a four-hour spectacle on Tibet television on Tuesday evening with 800 performers. The Xinhua news agency published a report yesterday entitled: "Jubilant Tibetans embrace coming new year".

Diplomats and reporters who have recently visited Tibetan areas say there is support for the boycott, although there is also plenty of opposition, including from shops and other service businesses for whom the holiday is a peak period.

The region last year witnessed the biggest outbreak of anti-Beijing protests in several decades, with unrest spreading to more than 50 towns in Tibet and Tibetan populated districts in the neighbouring provinces of Sichuan, Gansu and Qinghai. The unrest culminated in a riot in Lhasa on March 14 when Han Chinese residents were targeted.

According to Beijing, 19 people, including a policeman, died in the riot. Tibetan exiles and human rights groups say the death toll during the protests was much larger.

The security build-up has been particularly intense in Lhasa, capital of the Tibetan autonomous region. According to Human Rights Watch, authorities have set up a detention centre near Lhasa and held several thousand people for short periods.

For the past three weeks there have been reports of a heavy military police presence in Xiahe, the Gansu province town that was the site of a large protest last March, but residents yesterday said the town was not closed off to foreign visitors. There have also been reports of large-scale security measures in the Aba and Ganzi prefectures in Sichuan.

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Friendly Feudalism: The Tibet Myth

2009-02-08T19:35:39Z

Friendly Feudalism: The Tibet Myth (updated)
by Michael Parenti
18 November 2007

http://www.doublestandards.org/parenti3.html

I. For Lords and Lamas
Along with the blood drenched landscape of religious conflict there is the experience of inner peace and solace that every religion promises, none more so than Buddhism. Standing in marked contrast to the intolerant savagery of other religions, Buddhism is neither fanatical nor dogmatic – so say its adherents. For many of them Buddhism is less a theology and more a meditative and investigative discipline intended to promote an inner harmony and enlightenment while directing us to a path of right living. Generally, the spiritual focus is not only on oneself but on the welfare of others. One tries to put aside egoistic pursuits and gain a deeper understanding of one's connection to all people and things. “Socially engaged Buddhism” tries to blend individual liberation with responsible social action in order to build an enlightened society.

A glance at history, however, reveals that not all the many and widely varying forms of Buddhism have been free of doctrinal fanaticism, nor free of the violent and exploitative pursuits so characteristic of other religions. In Sri Lanka there is a legendary and almost sacred recorded history about the triumphant battles waged by Buddhist kings of yore. During the twentieth century, Buddhists clashed violently with each other and with non-Buddhists in Thailand, Burma, Korea, Japan, India, and elsewhere. In Sri Lanka, armed battles between Buddhist Sinhalese and Hindu Tamils have taken many lives on both sides. In 1998 the U.S. State Department listed thirty of the world's most violent and dangerous extremist groups. Over half of them were religious, specifically Muslim, Jewish, and Buddhist. [1]

In South Korea, in 1998, thousands of monks of the Chogye Buddhist order fought each other with fists, rocks, fire-bombs, and clubs, in pitched battles that went on for weeks. They were vying for control of the order, the largest in South Korea, with its annual budget of $9.2 million, its millions of dollars worth of property, and the privilege of appointing 1,700 monks to various offices. The brawls damaged the main Buddhist sanctuaries and left dozens of monks injured, some seriously. The Korean public appeared to disdain both factions, feeling that no matter what side took control, “it would use worshippers' donations for luxurious houses and expensive cars.” [2]

As with any religion, squabbles between or within Buddhist sects are often fueled by the material corruption and personal deficiencies of the leadership. For example, in Nagano, Japan, at Zenkoji, the prestigious complex of temples that has hosted Buddhist sects for more than 1,400 years, “a nasty battle” arose between Komatsu the chief priest and the Tacchu, a group of temples nominally under the chief priest's sway. The Tacchu monks accused Komatsu of selling writings and drawings under the temple's name for his own gain. They also were appalled by the frequency with which he was seen in the company of women. Komatsu in turn sought to isolate and punish monks who were critical of his leadership. The conflict lasted some five years and made it into the courts. [3]

But what of Tibetan Buddhism? Is it not an exception to this sort of strife? And what of the society it helped to create? Many Buddhists maintain that, before the Chinese crackdown in 1959, old Tibet was a spiritually oriented kingdom free from the egotistical lifestyles, empty materialism, and corrupting vices that beset modern industrialized society. Western news media, travel books, novels, and Hollywood films have portrayed the Tibetan theocracy as a veritable Shangri-La. The Dalai Lama himself stated that “the pervasive influence of Buddhism” in Tibet, “amid the wide open spaces of an unspoiled environment resulted in a society dedicated to peace and harmony. We enjoyed freedom and contentment.” [4]

A reading of Tibet's history suggests a somewhat different picture. “Religious conflict was commonplace in old Tibet,” writes one western Buddhist practitioner. “History belies the Shangri-La image of Tibetan lamas and their followers living together in mutual tolerance and nonviolent goodwill. Indeed, the situation was quite different. Old Tibet was much more like Europe during the religious wars of the Counterreformation.” [5] In the thirteenth century, Emperor Kublai Khan created the first Grand Lama, who was to preside over all the other lamas as might a pope over his bishops. Several centuries later, the Emperor of China sent an army into Tibet to support the Grand Lama, an ambitious 25-year-old man, who then gave himself the title of Dalai (Ocean) Lama, ruler of all Tibet. Here is a historical irony: the first Dalai Lama was installed by a Chinese army.

His two previous lama “incarnations” were then retroactively recognized as his predecessors, thereby transforming the 1st Dalai Lama into the 3rd Dalai Lama. This 1st (or 3rd) Dalai Lama seized monasteries that did not belong to his sect, and is believed to have destroyed Buddhist writings that conflicted with his claim to divinity. The Dalai Lama who succeeded him pursued a sybaritic life, enjoying many mistresses, partying with friends, and acting in other ways deemed unfitting for an incarnate deity. For these transgressions he was murdered by his priests. Within 170 years, despite their recognized divine status, five Dalai Lamas were killed by their high priests or other courtiers. [6]

For hundreds of years competing Tibetan Buddhist sects engaged in bitterly violent clashes and summary executions. In 1660, the 5th Dalai Lama was faced with a rebellion in Tsang province, the stronghold of the rival Kagyu sect with its high lama known as the Karmapa. The 5th Dalai Lama called for harsh retribution against the rebels, directing the Mongol army to obliterate the male and female lines, and the offspring too “like eggs smashed against rocks…. In short, annihilate any traces of them, even their names.” [7]

In 1792, many Kagyu monasteries were confiscated and their monks were forcibly converted to the Gelug sect (the Dalai Lama's denomination). The Gelug school, known also as the “Yellow Hats,” showed little tolerance or willingness to mix their teachings with other Buddhist sects. In the words of one of their traditional prayers: “Praise to you, violent god of the Yellow Hat teachings/who reduces to particles of dust/ great beings, high officials and ordinary people/ who pollute and corrupt the Gelug doctrine.” [8] An eighteenth-century memoir of a Tibetan general depicts sectarian strife among Buddhists that is as brutal and bloody as any religious conflict might be. [9] This grim history remains largely unvisited by present-day followers of Tibetan Buddhism in the West.

Religions have had a close relationship not only with violence but with economic exploitation. Indeed, it is often the economic exploitation that necessitates the violence. Such was the case with the Tibetan theocracy. Until 1959, when the Dalai Lama last presided over Tibet, most of the arable land was still organized into manorial estates worked by serfs. These estates were owned by two social groups: the rich secular landlords and the rich theocratic lamas. Even a writer sympathetic to the old order allows that “a great deal of real estate belonged to the monasteries, and most of them amassed great riches.” Much of the wealth was accumulated “through active participation in trade, commerce, and money lending.” [10]

Drepung monastery was one of the biggest landowners in the world, with its 185 manors, 25,000 serfs, 300 great pastures, and 16,000 herdsmen. The wealth of the monasteries rested in the hands of small numbers of high-ranking lamas. Most ordinary monks lived modestly and had no direct access to great wealth. The Dalai Lama himself “lived richly in the 1000-room, 14-story Potala Palace.” [11]

Secular leaders also did well. A notable example was the commander-in-chief of the Tibetan army, a member of the Dalai Lama's lay Cabinet, who owned 4,000 square kilometers of land and 3,500 serfs. [12] Old Tibet has been misrepresented by some Western admirers as “a nation that required no police force because its people voluntarily observed the laws of karma.” [13] In fact. it had a professional army, albeit a small one, that served mainly as a gendarmerie for the landlords to keep order, protect their property, and hunt down runaway serfs.

Young Tibetan boys were regularly taken from their peasant families and brought into the monasteries to be trained as monks. Once there, they were bonded for life. Tashì-Tsering, a monk, reports that it was common for peasant children to be sexually mistreated in the monasteries. He himself was a victim of repeated rape, beginning at age nine. [14] The monastic estates also conscripted children for lifelong servitude as domestics, dance performers, and soldiers.

In old Tibet there were small numbers of farmers who subsisted as a kind of free peasantry, and perhaps an additional 10,000 people who composed the “middle-class” families of merchants, shopkeepers, and small traders. Thousands of others were beggars. There also were slaves, usually domestic servants, who owned nothing. Their offspring were born into slavery. [15] The majority of the rural population were serfs. Treated little better than slaves, the serfs went without schooling or medical care, They were under a lifetime bond to work the lord's land – or the monastery's land – without pay, to repair the lord's houses, transport his crops, and collect his firewood. They were also expected to provide carrying animals and transportation on demand. [16] Their masters told them what crops to grow and what animals to raise. They could not get married without the consent of their lord or lama. And they might easily be separated from their families should their owners lease them out to work in a distant location. [17]

As in a free labor system and unlike slavery, the overlords had no responsibility for the serf's maintenance and no direct interest in his or her survival as an expensive piece of property. The serfs had to support themselves. Yet as in a slave system, they were bound to their masters, guaranteeing a fixed and permanent workforce that could neither organize nor strike nor freely depart as might laborers in a market context. The overlords had the best of both worlds.

One 22-year old woman, herself a runaway serf, reports: “Pretty serf girls were usually taken by the owner as house servants and used as he wished”; they “were just slaves without rights.” [18] Serfs needed permission to go anywhere. Landowners had legal authority to capture those who tried to flee. One 24-year old runaway welcomed the Chinese intervention as a “liberation.” He testified that under serfdom he was subjected to incessant toil, hunger, and cold. After his third failed escape, he was merciless beaten by the landlord's men until blood poured from his nose and mouth. They then poured alcohol and caustic soda on his wounds to increase the pain, he claimed. [19]

The serfs were taxed upon getting married, taxed for the birth of each child and for every death in the family. They were taxed for planting a tree in their yard and for keeping animals. They were taxed for religious festivals and for public dancing and drumming, for being sent to prison and upon being released. Those who could not find work were taxed for being unemployed, and if they traveled to another village in search of work, they paid a passage tax. When people could not pay, the monasteries lent them money at 20 to 50 percent interest. Some debts were handed down from father to son to grandson. Debtors who could not meet their obligations risked being cast into slavery. [20]

The theocracy's religious teachings buttressed its class order. The poor and afflicted were taught that they had brought their troubles upon themselves because of their wicked ways in previous lives. Hence they had to accept the misery of their present existence as a karmic atonement and in anticipation that their lot would improve in their next lifetime. The rich and powerful treated their good fortune as a reward for, and tangible evidence of, virtue in past and present lives.

The Tibetan serfs were something more than superstitious victims, blind to their own oppression. As we have seen, some ran away; others openly resisted, sometimes suffering dire consequences. In feudal Tibet, torture and mutilation – including eye gouging, the pulling out of tongues, hamstringing, and amputation – were favored punishments inflicted upon thieves, and runaway or resistant serfs. Journeying through Tibet in the 1960s, Stuart and Roma Gelder interviewed a former serf, Tsereh Wang Tuei, who had stolen two sheep belonging to a monastery. For this he had both his eyes gouged out and his hand mutilated beyond use. He explains that he no longer is a Buddhist: “When a holy lama told them to blind me I thought there was no good in religion.” [21] Since it was against Buddhist teachings to take human life, some offenders were severely lashed and then “left to God” in the freezing night to die. “The parallels between Tibet and medieval Europe are striking,” concludes Tom Grunfeld in his book on Tibet. [22]

In 1959, Anna Louise Strong visited an exhibition of torture equipment that had been used by the Tibetan overlords. There were handcuffs of all sizes, including small ones for children, and instruments for cutting off noses and ears, gouging out eyes, breaking off hands, and hamstringing legs. There were hot brands, whips, and special implements for disemboweling. The exhibition presented photographs and testimonies of victims who had been blinded or crippled or suffered amputations for thievery. There was the shepherd whose master owed him a reimbursement in yuan and wheat but refused to pay. So he took one of the master's cows; for this he had his hands severed. Another herdsman, who opposed having his wife taken from him by his lord, had his hands broken off. There were pictures of Communist activists with noses and upper lips cut off, and a woman who was raped and then had her nose sliced away. [23]

Earlier visitors to Tibet commented on the theocratic despotism. In 1895, an Englishman, Dr. A. L. Waddell, wrote that the populace was under the “intolerable tyranny of monks” and the devil superstitions they had fashioned to terrorize the people. In 1904 Perceval Landon described the Dalai Lama's rule as “an engine of oppression.” At about that time, another English traveler, Captain W.F.T. O'Connor, observed that “the great landowners and the priests… exercise each in their own dominion a despotic power from which there is no appeal,” while the people are “oppressed by the most monstrous growth of monasticism and priest-craft.” Tibetan rulers “invented degrading legends and stimulated a spirit of superstition” among the common people. In 1937, another visitor, Spencer Chapman, wrote, “The Lamaist monk does not spend his time in ministering to the people or educating them. . . . The beggar beside the road is nothing to the monk. Knowledge is the jealously guarded prerogative of the monasteries and is used to increase their influence and wealth.” [24] As much as we might wish otherwise, feudal theocratic Tibet was a far cry from the romanticized Shangri La so enthusiastically nurtured by Buddhism's western proselytes.

II. Secularization vs. Spirituality
What happened to Tibet after the Chinese Communists moved into the country in 1951? The treaty of that year provided for ostensible self-governance under the Dalai Lama's rule but gave China military control and exclusive right to conduct foreign relations. The Chinese were also granted a direct role in internal administration “to promote social reforms.” Among the earliest changes they wrought was to reduce usurious interest rates, and build a few hospitals and roads. At first, they moved slowly, relying mostly on persuasion in an attempt to effect reconstruction. No aristocratic or monastic property was confiscated, and feudal lords continued to reign over their hereditarily bound peasants. “Contrary to popular belief in the West,” claims one observer, the Chinese “took care to show respect for Tibetan culture and religion.” [25]

Over the centuries the Tibetan lords and lamas had seen Chinese come and go, and had enjoyed good relations with Generalissimo Chiang Kaishek and his reactionary Kuomintang rule in China. [26] The approval of the Kuomintang government was needed to validate the choice of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama. When the current 14th Dalai Lama was first installed in Lhasa, it was with an armed escort of Chinese troops and an attending Chinese minister, in accordance with centuries-old tradition. What upset the Tibetan lords and lamas in the early 1950s was that these latest Chinese were Communists. It would be only a matter of time, they feared, before the Communists started imposing their collectivist egalitarian schemes upon Tibet.

The issue was joined in 1956-57, when armed Tibetan bands ambushed convoys of the Chinese Peoples Liberation Army. The uprising received extensive assistance from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), including military training, support camps in Nepal, and numerous airlifts. [27] Meanwhile in the United States, the American Society for a Free Asia, a CIA-financed front, energetically publicized the cause of Tibetan resistance, with the Dalai Lama's eldest brother, Thubtan Norbu, playing an active role in that organization. The Dalai Lama's second-eldest brother, Gyalo Thondup, established an intelligence operation with the CIA as early as 1951. He later upgraded it into a CIA-trained guerrilla unit whose recruits parachuted back into Tibet. [28]

Many Tibetan commandos and agents whom the CIA dropped into the country were chiefs of aristocratic clans or the sons of chiefs. Ninety percent of them were never heard from again, according to a report from the CIA itself, meaning they were most likely captured and killed. [29] “Many lamas and lay members of the elite and much of the Tibetan army joined the uprising, but in the main the populace did not, assuring its failure,” writes Hugh Deane. [30] In their book on Tibet, Ginsburg and Mathos reach a similar conclusion: “As far as can be ascertained, the great bulk of the common people of Lhasa and of the adjoining countryside failed to join in the fighting against the Chinese both when it first began and as it progressed.” [31] Eventually the resistance crumbled.

Whatever wrongs and new oppressions introduced by the Chinese after 1959, they did abolish slavery and the Tibetan serfdom system of unpaid labor. They eliminated the many crushing taxes, started work projects, and greatly reduced unemployment and beggary. They established secular schools, thereby breaking the educational monopoly of the monasteries. And they constructed running water and electrical systems in Lhasa. [32]

Heinrich Harrer (later revealed to have been a sergeant in Hitler's SS) wrote a bestseller about his experiences in Tibet that was made into a popular Hollywood movie. He reported that the Tibetans who resisted the Chinese “were predominantly nobles, semi-nobles and lamas; they were punished by being made to perform the lowliest tasks, such as laboring on roads and bridges. They were further humiliated by being made to clean up the city before the tourists arrived.” They also had to live in a camp originally reserved for beggars and vagrants – all of which Harrer treats as sure evidence of the dreadful nature of the Chinese occupation. [33]

By 1961, Chinese occupation authorities expropriated the landed estates owned by lords and lamas. They distributed many thousands of acres to tenant farmers and landless peasants, reorganizing them into hundreds of communes.. Herds once owned by nobility were turned over to collectives of poor shepherds. Improvements were made in the breeding of livestock, and new varieties of vegetables and new strains of wheat and barley were introduced, along with irrigation improvements, all of which reportedly led to an increase in agrarian production. [34]

Many peasants remained as religious as ever, giving alms to the clergy. But monks who had been conscripted as children into the religious orders were now free to renounce the monastic life, and thousands did, especially the younger ones. The remaining clergy lived on modest government stipends and extra income earned by officiating at prayer services, weddings, and funerals. [35]

Both the Dalai Lama and his advisor and youngest brother, Tendzin Choegyal, claimed that “more than 1.2 million Tibetans are dead as a result of the Chinese occupation.” [36] The official 1953 census – six years before the Chinese crackdown – recorded the entire population residing in Tibet at 1,274,000. [37] Other census counts put the population within Tibet at about two million. If the Chinese killed 1.2 million in the early 1960s then almost all of Tibet, would have been depopulated, transformed into a killing field dotted with death camps and mass graves – of which we have no evidence. The thinly distributed Chinese force in Tibet could not have rounded up, hunted down, and exterminated that many people even if it had spent all its time doing nothing else.

Chinese authorities claim to have put an end to floggings, mutilations, and amputations as a form of criminal punishment. They themselves, however, have been charged with acts of brutality by exile Tibetans. The authorities do admit to “mistakes,” particularly during the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution when the persecution of religious beliefs reached a high tide in both China and Tibet. After the uprising in the late 1950s, thousands of Tibetans were incarcerated. During the Great Leap Forward, forced collectivization and grain farming were imposed on the Tibetan peasantry, sometimes with disastrous effect on production. In the late 1970s, China began relaxing controls “and tried to undo some of the damage wrought during the previous two decades.” [38]

In 1980, the Chinese government initiated reforms reportedly designed to grant Tibet a greater degree of self-rule and self-administration. Tibetans would now be allowed to cultivate private plots, sell their harvest surpluses, decide for themselves what crops to grow, and keep yaks and sheep. Communication with the outside world was again permitted, and frontier controls were eased to permit some Tibetans to visit exiled relatives in India and Nepal. [39] By the 1980s many of the principal lamas had begun to shuttle back and forth between China and the exile communities abroad, “restoring their monasteries in Tibet and helping to revitalize Buddhism there.” [40]

As of 2007 Tibetan Buddhism was still practiced widely and tolerated by officialdom. Religious pilgrimages and other standard forms of worship were allowed but within limits. All monks and nuns had to sign a loyalty pledge that they would not use their religious position to foment secession or dissent. And displaying photos of the Dalai Lama was declared illegal. [41]

In the 1990s, the Han, the ethnic group comprising over 95 percent of China's immense population, began moving in substantial numbers into Tibet. On the streets of Lhasa and Shigatse, signs of Han colonization are readily visible. Chinese run the factories and many of the shops and vending stalls. Tall office buildings and large shopping centers have been built with funds that might have been better spent on water treatment plants and housing. Chinese cadres in Tibet too often view their Tibetan neighbors as backward and lazy, in need of economic development and “patriotic education.” During the 1990s Tibetan government employees suspected of harboring nationalist sympathies were purged from office, and campaigns were once again launched to discredit the Dalai Lama. Individual Tibetans reportedly were subjected to arrest, imprisonment, and forced labor for carrying out separatist activities and engaging in “political subversion.” Some were held in administrative detention without adequate food, water, and blankets, subjected to threats, beatings, and other mistreatment. [42]

Tibetan history, culture, and certainly religion are slighted in schools. Teaching materials, though translated into Tibetan, focus mainly on Chinese history and culture. Chinese family planning regulations allow a three-child limit for Tibetan families. (There is only a one-child limit for Han families throughout China, and a two-child limit for rural Han families whose first child is a girl.) If a Tibetan couple goes over the three-child limit, the excess children can be denied subsidized daycare, health care, housing, and education. These penalties have been enforced irregularly and vary by district. [43] None of these child services, it should be noted, were available to Tibetans before the Chinese takeover.

For the rich lamas and secular lords, the Communist intervention was an unmitigated calamity. Most of them fled abroad, as did the Dalai Lama himself, who was assisted in his flight by the CIA. Some discovered to their horror that they would have to work for a living. Many, however, escaped that fate. Throughout the 1960s, the Tibetan exile community was secretly pocketing $1.7 million a year from the CIA, according to documents released by the State Department in 1998. Once this fact was publicized, the Dalai Lama's organization itself issued a statement admitting that it had received millions of dollars from the CIA during the 1960s to send armed squads of exiles into Tibet to undermine the Maoist revolution. The Dalai Lama's annual payment from the CIA was $186,000. Indian intelligence also financed both him and other Tibetan exiles. He has refused to say whether he or his brothers worked for the CIA. The agency has also declined to comment. [44]

In 1995, the News & Observer of Raleigh, North Carolina, carried a frontpage color photograph of the Dalai Lama being embraced by the reactionary Republican senator Jesse Helms, under the headline “Buddhist Captivates Hero of Religious Right.” [45] In April 1999, along with Margaret Thatcher, Pope John Paul II, and the first George Bush, the Dalai Lama called upon the British government to release Augusto Pinochet, the former fascist dictator of Chile and a longtime CIA client who was visiting England. The Dalai Lama urged that Pinochet not be forced to go to Spain where he was wanted to stand trial for crimes against humanity.

Into the twenty-first century, via the National Endowment for Democracy and other conduits that are more respectable sounding than the CIA, the U.S. Congress continued to allocate an annual $2 million to Tibetans in India, with additional millions for “democracy activities” within the Tibetan exile community. In addition to these funds, the Dalai Lama received money from financier George Soros. [46]

Whatever the Dalai Lama's associations with the CIA and various reactionaries, he did speak often of peace, love, and nonviolence. He himself really cannot be blamed for the abuses of Tibet's ancien régime, having been but 25 years old when he fled into exile. In a 1994 interview, he went on record as favoring the building of schools and roads in his country. He said the corvée (forced unpaid serf labor) and certain taxes imposed on the peasants were “extremely bad.” And he disliked the way people were saddled with old debts sometimes passed down from generation to generation. [47] During the half century of living in the western world, he had embraced concepts such as human rights and religious freedom, ideas largely unknown in old Tibet. He even proposed democracy for Tibet, featuring a written constitution and a representative assembly. [48]

In 1996, the Dalai Lama issued a statement that must have had an unsettling effect on the exile community. It read in part: “Marxism is founded on moral principles, while capitalism is concerned only with gain and profitability.” Marxism fosters “the equitable utilization of the means of production” and cares about “the fate of the working classes” and “the victims of . . . exploitation. For those reasons the system appeals to me, and . . . I think of myself as half-Marxist, half-Buddhist. [49]

But he also sent a reassuring message to “those who live in abundance”: “It is a good thing to be rich […] Those are the fruits for deserving actions, the proof that they have been generous in the past.” And to the poor he offers this admonition: “There is no good reason to become bitter and rebel against those who have property and fortune […] It is better to develop a positive attitude.” [50]

In 2005 the Dalai Lama signed a widely advertised statement along with ten other Nobel Laureates supporting the “inalienable and fundamental human right” of working people throughout the world to form labor unions to protect their interests, in accordance with the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In many countries “this fundamental right is poorly protected and in some it is explicitly banned or brutally suppressed,” the statement read. Burma, China, Colombia, Bosnia, and a few other countries were singled out as among the worst offenders. Even the United States “fails to adequately protect workers' rights to form unions and bargain collectively. Millions of U.S. workers lack any legal protection to form unions….” [51]

The Dalai Lama also gave full support to removing the ingrained traditional obstacles that have kept Tibetan nuns from receiving an education. Upon arriving in exile, few nuns could read or write. In Tibet their activities had been devoted to daylong periods of prayer and chants. But in northern India they now began reading Buddhist philosophy and engaging in theological study and debate, activities that in old Tibet had been open only to monks. [52]

In November 2005 the Dalai Lama spoke at Stanford University on “The Heart of Nonviolence,” but stopped short of a blanket condemnation of all violence. Violent actions that are committed in order to reduce future suffering are not to be condemned, he said, citing World War II as an example of a worthy effort to protect democracy. What of the four years of carnage and mass destruction in Iraq, a war condemned by most of the world – even by a conservative pope – as a blatant violation of international law and a crime against humanity? The Dalai Lama was undecided: “The Iraq war – it's too early to say, right or wrong.” [53] Earlier he had voiced support for the U.S. military intervention against Yugoslavia and, later on, the U.S. military intervention into Afghanistan. [54]

III. Exit Feudal Theocracy
As the Shangri-La myth would have it, in old Tibet the people lived in contented and tranquil symbiosis with their monastic and secular lords. Rich lamas and poor monks, wealthy landlords and impoverished serfs were all bonded together, mutually sustained by the comforting balm of a deeply spiritual and pacific culture.

One is reminded of the idealized image of feudal Europe presented by latter-day conservative Catholics such as G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc. For them, medieval Christendom was a world of contented peasants living in the secure embrace of their Church, under the more or less benign protection of their lords. [55] Again we are invited to accept a particular culture in its idealized form divorced from its murky material history. This means accepting it as presented by its favored class, by those who profited most from it. The Shangri-La image of Tibet bears no more resemblance to historic actuality than does the pastoral image of medieval Europe.

Seen in all its grim realities, old Tibet confirms the view I expressed in an earlier book, namely that culture is anything but neutral. Culture can operate as a legitimating cover for a host of grave injustices, benefiting a privileged portion of society at great cost to the rest. [56] In theocratic feudal Tibet, ruling interests manipulated the traditional culture to fortify their own wealth and power. The theocracy equated rebellious thought and action with satanic influence. It propagated the general presumption of landlord superiority and peasant unworthiness. The rich were represented as deserving their good life, and the lowly poor as deserving their mean existence, all codified in teachings about the karmic residue of virtue and vice accumulated from past lives, presented as part of God's will.

Were the more affluent lamas just hypocrites who preached one thing and secretly believed another? More likely they were genuinely attached to those beliefs that brought such good results for them. That their theology so perfectly supported their material privileges only strengthened the sincerity with which it was embraced.

It might be said that we denizens of the modern secular world cannot grasp the equations of happiness and pain, contentment and custom, that characterize more traditionally spiritual societies. This is probably true, and it may explain why some of us idealize such societies. But still, a gouged eye is a gouged eye; a flogging is a flogging; and the grinding exploitation of serfs and slaves is a brutal class injustice whatever its cultural wrapping. There is a difference between a spiritual bond and human bondage, even when both exist side by side

Many ordinary Tibetans want the Dalai Lama back in their country, but it appears that relatively few want a return to the social order he represented. A 1999 story in the Washington Post notes that the Dalai Lama continues to be revered in Tibet, but

. . . few Tibetans would welcome a return of the corrupt aristocratic clans that fled with him in 1959 and that comprise the bulk of his advisers. Many Tibetan farmers, for example, have no interest in surrendering the land they gained during China's land reform to the clans. Tibet's former slaves say they, too, don't want their former masters to return to power. “I've already lived that life once before,” said Wangchuk, a 67-year-old former slave who was wearing his best clothes for his yearly pilgrimage to Shigatse, one of the holiest sites of Tibetan Buddhism. He said he worshipped the Dalai Lama, but added, “I may not be free under Chinese communism, but I am better off than when I was a slave.” [57]
It should be noted that the Dalai Lama is not the only highly placed lama chosen in childhood as a reincarnation. One or another reincarnate lama or tulku – a spiritual teacher of special purity elected to be reborn again and again – can be found presiding over most major monasteries. The tulku system is unique to Tibetan Buddhism. Scores of Tibetan lamas claim to be reincarnate tulkus.

The very first tulku was a lama known as the Karmapa who appeared nearly three centuries before the first Dalai Lama. The Karmapa is leader of a Tibetan Buddhist tradition known as the Karma Kagyu. The rise of the Gelugpa sect headed by the Dalai Lama led to a politico-religious rivalry with the Kagyu that has lasted five hundred years and continues to play itself out within the Tibetan exile community today. That the Kagyu sect has grown famously, opening some six hundred new centers around the world in the last thirty-five years, has not helped the situation.

The search for a tulku, Erik Curren reminds us, has not always been conducted in that purely spiritual mode portrayed in certain Hollywood films. “Sometimes monastic officials wanted a child from a powerful local noble family to give the cloister more political clout. Other times they wanted a child from a lower-class family who would have little leverage to influence the child's upbringing.” On other occasions “a local warlord, the Chinese emperor or even the Dalai Lama's government in Lhasa might [have tried] to impose its choice of tulku on a monastery for political reasons.” [58]

Such may have been the case in the selection of the 17th Karmapa, whose monastery-in-exile is situated in Rumtek, in the Indian state of Sikkim. In 1993 the monks of the Karma Kagyu tradition had a candidate of their own choice. The Dalai Lama, along with several dissenting Karma Kagyu leaders (and with the support of the Chinese government!) backed a different boy. The Kagyu monks charged that the Dalai Lama had overstepped his authority in attempting to select a leader for their sect. “Neither his political role nor his position as a lama in his own Gelugpa tradition entitled him to choose the Karmapa, who is a leader of a different tradition…” [59] As one of the Kagyu leaders insisted, “Dharma is about thinking for yourself. It is not about automatically following a teacher in all things, no matter how respected that teacher may be. More than anyone else, Buddhists should respect other people's rights – their human rights and their religious freedom.” [60]

What followed was a dozen years of conflict in the Tibetan exile community, punctuated by intermittent riots, intimidation, physical attacks, blacklisting, police harassment, litigation, official corruption, and the looting and undermining of the Karmapa's monastery in Rumtek by supporters of the Gelugpa faction. All this has caused at least one western devotee to wonder if the years of exile were not hastening the moral corrosion of Tibetan Buddhism. [61]

What is clear is that not all Tibetan Buddhists accept the Dalai Lama as their theological and spiritual mentor. Though he is referred to as the “spiritual leader of Tibet,” many see this title as little more than a formality. It does not give him authority over the four religious schools of Tibet other than his own, “just as calling the U.S. president the ‘leader of the free world' gives him no role in governing France or Germany.” [62]

Not all Tibetan exiles are enamoured of the old Shangri-La theocracy. Kim Lewis, who studied healing methods with a Buddhist monk in Berkeley, California, had occasion to talk at length with more than a dozen Tibetan women who lived in the monk's building. When she asked how they felt about returning to their homeland, the sentiment was unanimously negative. At first, Lewis assumed that their reluctance had to do with the Chinese occupation, but they quickly informed her otherwise. They said they were extremely grateful “not to have to marry 4 or 5 men, be pregnant almost all the time,” or deal with sexually transmitted diseases contacted from a straying husband. The younger women “were delighted to be getting an education, wanted absolutely nothing to do with any religion, and wondered why Americans were so naïve [about Tibet] .” [63]

The women interviewed by Lewis recounted stories of their grandmothers' ordeals with monks who used them as “wisdom consorts.” By sleeping with the monks, the grandmothers were told, they gained “the means to enlightenment” – after all, the Buddha himself had to be with a woman to reach enlightenment.

The women also mentioned the “rampant” sex that the supposedly spiritual and abstemious monks practiced with each other in the Gelugpa sect. The women who were mothers spoke bitterly about the monastery's confiscation of their young boys in Tibet. They claimed that when a boy cried for his mother, he would be told “Why do you cry for her, she gave you up – she's just a woman.”

The monks who were granted political asylum in California applied for public assistance. Lewis, herself a devotee for a time, assisted with the paperwork. She observes that they continue to receive government checks amounting to $550 to $700 per month along with Medicare. In addition, the monks reside rent free in nicely furnished apartments. “They pay no utilities, have free access to the Internet on computers provided for them, along with fax machines, free cell and home phones and cable TV.”

They also receive a monthly payment from their order, along with contributions and dues from their American followers. Some devotees eagerly carry out chores for the monks, including grocery shopping and cleaning their apartments and toilets. These same holy men, Lewis remarks, “have no problem criticizing Americans for their ‘obsession with material things.'” [64]

To welcome the end of the old feudal theocracy in Tibet is not to applaud everything about Chinese rule in that country. This point is seldom understood by today's Shangri-La believers in the West. The converse is also true: To denounce the Chinese occupation does not mean we have to romanticize the former feudal régime. Tibetans deserve to be perceived as actual people, not perfected spiritualists or innocent political symbols. “To idealize them,” notes Ma Jian, a dissident Chinese traveler to Tibet (now living in Britain), “is to deny them their humanity.” [65]

One common complaint among Buddhist followers in the West is that Tibet's religious culture is being undermined by the Chinese occupation. To some extent this seems to be the case. Many of the monasteries are closed, and much of the theocracy seems to have passed into history. Whether Chinese rule has brought betterment or disaster is not the central issue here. The question is what kind of country was old Tibet. What I am disputing is the supposedly pristine spiritual nature of that pre-invasion culture. We can advocate religious freedom and independence for a new Tibet without having to embrace the mythology about old Tibet. Tibetan feudalism was cloaked in Buddhism, but the two are not to be equated. In reality, old Tibet was not a Paradise Lost. It was a retrograde repressive theocracy of extreme privilege and poverty, a long way from Shangri-La.

Finally, let it be said that if Tibet's future is to be positioned somewhere within China's emerging free-market paradise, then this does not bode well for the Tibetans. China boasts a dazzling 8 percent economic growth rate and is emerging as one of the world's greatest industrial powers. But with economic growth has come an ever deepening gulf between rich and poor. Most Chinese live close to the poverty level or well under it, while a small group of newly brooded capitalists profit hugely in collusion with shady officials. Regional bureaucrats milk the country dry, extorting graft from the populace and looting local treasuries. Land grabbing in cities and countryside by avaricious developers and corrupt officials at the expense of the populace are almost everyday occurrences. Tens of thousands of grassroot protests and disturbances have erupted across the country, usually to be met with unforgiving police force. Corruption is so prevalent, reaching into so many places, that even the normally complacent national leadership was forced to take notice and began moving against it in late 2006.

Workers in China who try to organize labor unions in the corporate dominated “business zones” risk losing their jobs or getting beaten and imprisoned. Millions of business zone workers toil twelve-hour days at subsistence wages. With the health care system now being privatized, free or affordable medical treatment is no longer available for millions. Men have tramped into the cities in search of work, leaving an increasingly impoverished countryside populated by women, children, and the elderly. The suicide rate has increased dramatically, especially among women. [66]

China's natural environment is sadly polluted. Most of its fabled rivers and many lakes are dead, producing massive fish die-offs from the billions of tons of industrial emissions and untreated human waste dumped into them. Toxic effluents, including pesticides and herbicides, seep into ground water or directly into irrigation canals. Cancer rates in villages situated along waterways have skyrocketed a thousand-fold. Hundreds of millions of urban residents breathe air rated as dangerously unhealthy, contaminated by industrial growth and the recent addition of millions of automobiles. An estimated 400,000 die prematurely every year from air pollution. Government environmental agencies have no enforcement power to stop polluters, and generally the government ignores or denies such problems, concentrating instead on industrial growth. [67]

China's own scientific establishment reports that unless greenhouse gases are curbed, the nation will face massive crop failures along with catastrophic food and water shortages in the years ahead. In 2006-2007 severe drought was already afflicting southwest China. [68]

If China is the great success story of speedy free market development, and is to be the model and inspiration for Tibet's future, then old feudal Tibet indeed may start looking a lot better than it actually was.

NOTES
[1] Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God, (University of California Press, 2000), 6, 112-113, 157.
[2] Kyong-Hwa Seok, "Korean Monk Gangs Battle for Temple Turf," San Francisco Examiner, 3 December 1998.
[3] Los Angeles Times, February 25, 2006.
[4] Dalai Lama quoted in Donald Lopez Jr., Prisoners of Shangri-La: Tibetan Buddhism and the West (Chicago and London: Chicago University Press, 1998), 205.
[5] Erik D. Curren, Buddha's Not Smiling: Uncovering Corruption at the Heart of Tibetan Buddhism Today (Alaya Press 2005), 41.
[6] Stuart Gelder and Roma Gelder, The Timely Rain: Travels in New Tibet (Monthly Review Press, 1964), 119, 123; and Melvyn C. Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet, and the Dalai Lama (University of California Press, 1995), 6-16.
[7] Curren, Buddha's Not Smiling, 50.
[8] Stephen Bachelor, "Letting Daylight into Magic: The Life and Times of Dorje Shugden," Tricycle: The Buddhist Review, 7, Spring 1998. Bachelor discusses the sectarian fanaticism and doctrinal clashes that ill fit the Western portrait of Buddhism as a non-dogmatic and tolerant tradition.
[9] Dhoring Tenzin Paljor, Autobiography, cited in Curren, Buddha's Not Smiling, 8.
[10] Pradyumna P. Karan, The Changing Face of Tibet: The Impact of Chinese Communist Ideology on the Landscape (Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky, 1976), 64.
[11] See Gary Wilson's report in Worker's World, 6 February 1997.
[12] Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 62 and 174.
[13] As skeptically noted by Lopez, Prisoners of Shangri-La, 9.
[14] Melvyn Goldstein, William Siebenschuh, and Tashì-Tsering, The Struggle for Modern Tibet: The Autobiography of Tashì-Tsering (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1997).
[15] Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 110.
[16] Melvyn C. Goldstein, A History of Modern Tibet 1913-1951 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 5 and passim.
[17] Anna Louise Strong, Tibetan Interviews (Peking: New World Press, 1959), 15, 19-21, 24.
[18] Quoted in Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 25.
[19] Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 31.
[20] Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 175-176; and Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 25-26.
[21] Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 113.
[22] A. Tom Grunfeld, The Making of Modern Tibet rev. ed. (Armonk, N.Y. and London: 1996), 9 and 7-33 for a general discussion of feudal Tibet; see also Felix Greene, A Curtain of Ignorance (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1961), 241-249; Goldstein, A History of Modern Tibet, 3-5; and Lopez, Prisoners of Shangri-La, passim.
[23] Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 91-96.
[24] Waddell, Landon, O'Connor, and Chapman are quoted in Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 123-125.
[25] Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon, 52.
[26] Heinrich Harrer, Return to Tibet (New York: Schocken, 1985), 29.
[27] See Kenneth Conboy and James Morrison, The CIA's Secret War in Tibet (Lawrence, Kansas: University of Kansas Press, 2002); and William Leary, "Secret Mission to Tibet," Air & Space, December 1997/January 1998.
[28] On the CIA's links to the Dalai Lama and his family and entourage, see Loren Coleman, Tom Slick and the Search for the Yeti (London: Faber and Faber, 1989).
[29] Leary, "Secret Mission to Tibet."
[30] Hugh Deane, "The Cold War in Tibet," CovertAction Quarterly (Winter 1987).
[31] George Ginsburg and Michael Mathos Communist China and Tibet (1964), quoted in Deane, "The Cold War in Tibet." Deane notes that author Bina Roy reached a similar conclusion.
[32] See Greene, A Curtain of Ignorance, 248 and passim; and Grunfeld, The Making of Modern Tibet, passim.
[33] Harrer, Return to Tibet, 54.
[34] Karan, The Changing Face of Tibet, 36-38, 41, 57-58; London Times, 4 July 1966.
[35] Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 29 and 47-48.
[36] Tendzin Choegyal, "The Truth about Tibet," Imprimis (publication of Hillsdale College, Michigan), April 1999.
[37] Karan, The Changing Face of Tibet, 52-53.
[38] Elaine Kurtenbach, Associate Press report, 12 February 1998.
[39] Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon, 47-48.
[40] Curren, Buddha's Not Smiling, 8.
[41] San Francisco Chonicle, 9 January 2007.
[42] Report by the International Committee of Lawyers for Tibet, A Generation in Peril (Berkeley Calif.: 2001), passim.
[43] International Committee of Lawyers for Tibet, A Generation in Peril, 66-68, 98.
[44] im Mann, "CIA Gave Aid to Tibetan Exiles in '60s, Files Show," Los Angeles Times, 15 September 1998; and New York Times, 1 October, 1998.
[45] News & Observer, 6 September 1995, cited in Lopez, Prisoners of Shangri-La, 3.
[46] Heather Cottin, "George Soros, Imperial Wizard," CovertAction Quarterly no. 74 (Fall 2002).
[47] Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon, 51.
[48] Tendzin Choegyal, "The Truth about Tibet."
[49] The Dalai Lama in Marianne Dresser (ed.), Beyond Dogma: Dialogues and Discourses (Berkeley, Calif.: North Atlantic Books, 1996)
[50] These comments are from a book of the Dalai Lama's writings quoted in Nikolai Thyssen, "Oceaner af onkel Tom," Dagbladet Information, 29 December 2003, (translated for me by Julius Wilm). Thyssen's review (in Danish) can be found here.
[51] "A Global Call for Human Rights in the Workplace," New York Times, 6 December 2005.
[52] San Francisco Chronicle, 14 January 2007.
[53] San Francisco Chronicle, 5 November 2005.
[54] Times of India 13 October 2000; Samantha Conti's report, Reuter, 17 June 1994; Amitabh Pal, "The Dalai Lama Interview," Progressive, January 2006.
[55] The Gelders draw this comparison, The Timely Rain, 64.
[56] Michael Parenti, The Culture Struggle (Seven Stories, 2006).
[57] John Pomfret, "Tibet Caught in China's Web, " Washington Post, 23 July 1999.
[58] Curren, Buddha's Not Smiling, 3.
[59] Curren, Buddha's Not Smiling, 13 and 138.
[60] Curren, Buddha's Not Smiling, 21.
[61] Curren, Buddha's Not Smiling, passim. For books that are favorable toward the Karmapa appointed by the Dalai Lama's faction, see Lea Terhune, Karmapa of Tibet: The Politics of Reincarnation (Wisdom Publications, 2004); Gaby Naher, Wrestling the Dragon (Rider 2004); Mick Brown, The Dance of 17 Lives (Bloomsbury 2004).
[62] Erik Curren, "Not So Easy to Say Who is Karmapa," correspondence, 22 August 2005, here.
[63] Kim Lewis, correspondence to me, 15 July 2004.
[64] Kim Lewis, correspondence to me, 16 July 2004.
[65] Ma Jian, Stick Out Your Tongue (Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2006).
[66] See the PBS documentary, China from the Inside, January 2007, here.
[67] San Francisco Chronicle, 9 January 2007.
[68] "China: Global Warming to Cause Food Shortages," People's Weekly World, 13 January 2007

Michael Parenti received his Ph.D. in political science from Yale University. He has taught at a number of colleges and universities, in the United States and abroad. Some of his writings have been translated into Arabic, Bangla, Chinese, Dutch, French, German, Greek, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Persian, Polish, Portuguese, Russian, Serbian, Spanish, Swedish and Turkish.

posted in Free Tibet - 43 replies

Latest Chinese torture technics on Tibetian people

2009-02-07T23:51:27Z

List of China's Modern Torture Methods:
For website and pictures click : - http://chinaview.wordpress.com/2007/03/29/list-of-china-modern-torture-methods-photo/

1. Burning
2. Electric Shock
3. Sexual Abuse
4. Psychiatric & Drug Abuse
5. Force-feeding
6. Savage beatings
7. Freezing and Exposing
8. Water Dungeon
9. Forced Abortions
10. “Death Bed”
11. “Tiger Bench”
12. “Hell Confinement”
13. “Small Cage”
14. Forced to Jump from Tall Building
15. “Flying an Airplane“
16. “Squat“
17. “Handcuffed in a Painful Position”
18. “Tied up”
19. Sitting on “Triangle-ridged Iron Plank”
20. “Carrying a Sword on the Back”
21. “Chain”
22. “Tied to a Bed”
23. “Tortured under a Bed”
24. “Tied to Trees”
25. “Solitary Confinement”
26. “Rope Tying”
27. “Hanging over the Head”
28. “Hanging by Two Thumbs”
29. “Hanging Upside Down”
30. Hung Up for Extended Period of Time
31. “Dog Bite”
32. “Snake Bite”
33. “Cutting of Flesh”
34. “Impaling the Fingers and Toes with Bamboo Stick”
35. “Needle Piercing” and “Toe Smashing”
36. Cigarette Burn
37. The Rampant Spread of Scabies
38. Forced to Sit in a “Sewage Pot”
39. Garbage Stuffed into the Mouth
40. Phlegm Poured into the Mouth
41. Force-Feeding with Urine
42. Force-Feeding with Feces
43. Deprivation of Sleep
44. Restricting the Use of the Toilet
45. Prohibiting the Use of Sanitary Napkins
46. “Covering a Shed” or Suffocation

More torture methods used by China police can be found under torture section on Falun Gong Human Rights Working Group website, and will be continuously added on this list later.

See Youtube video What is Falun Gong (falun Dafa), and here below Why is Falun Gong persecuted in China

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

The Far Left's Flawed History of Tibet

2009-01-30T13:57:32Z

http://studentsforafreetibet.org/article.php?id=425

A Lie Repeated - The Far Left’s Flawed History of Tibet

By Joshua Michael Schrei

"A lie repeated a hundred times becomes the truth."
-Chairman Mao

As a lifelong activist who has worked on human rights issues around the globe, I hold the view that the best representatives of a culture are its people; that people create their own history, and in the case of the colonized or the oppressed that history is often rewritten by the oppressor. I do not assume that simply because a country is communist or socialist or capitalist that its practices toward its own people or its foreign policies are more or less honorable; beyond all the rhetoric, the reality of a situation can always be measured by the affected people themselves.

The Tibet issue is one that the far left has found to be somewhat of a conundrum, for the simple reason that most other popular human rights struggles can be easily linked to a larger struggle against U.S. or European imperialism. Therefore these struggles - be it in Palestine, or East Timor, or Colombia, fit nicely into the larger - and often rather myopic - worldview of the leftist.

However, Tibet is a case in which the struggle for basic rights and nationhood is being carried out against a communist government, so it has brought with it a host of questions for the leftist, who naturally leans towards socialism or communism as an ideological example of a system that stands in contrast to the 'imperialist west'.

China, the country that invaded Tibet in 1950, has stood as one such example- though the Chinese government's practices over the last 53 years and its current bent towards totalitarian capitalism would tend to defy any labeling as a positive example. Nonetheless, China's history of socialism and revolution remains as something of an inspiration for the Western left, and therefore certain historians- predominantly scholars with some form of Marxist or Maoist agenda- have seen the current popularity of the movement for Tibetan statehood and have taken it upon themselves to give a glimpse into the grim reality of 'old Tibet.'

The most recent historian to embrace this view of 'old Tibet' is Dr. Michael Parenti, a Yale scholar who, in the course of his career, has written on a variety of populist causes. To be fair, Parenti stops short -barely- of condoning the Chinese occupation. He does however, cast a decidedly unflattering view of life in pre-1950 Tibet.

In his writing on Tibet, Parenti shares something in common with all of his predecessors -Anna Louise Strong, A. Tom Grunfeld, and Roma and Stuart
Gelder among them- in that his writing on Tibet is essentially argumentative. He is not writing in order to give an unbiased history of a nation, he is writing in order to prove a point. In this case, the point he is trying to prove is that the society of 'old Tibet' was a terrible place, and that the resistance movement that is so visible today is essentially a movement to re-establish this despicable regime.

In Parenti's words, old Tibet was "a social order that was little more than a despotic retrograde theocracy of serfdom and poverty, so damaging to the human spirit, where vast wealth was accumulated by a favored few who lived high and mighty off the blood, sweat, and tears of the many. For most of the Tibetan aristocrats in exile, that is the world to which they fervently desire to return. It is a long way from Shangri-La."

I have chosen to dissect this thesis because it houses many of the common arguments presented by Chinese government propagandists on Tibet, as well as many of the arguments that modern day Marxists and Maoists regularly hurl at Tibet activists on internet chat rooms and at protests. As we will see, the flawed premise of this thesis illuminates how the far left has gone woefully off the mark in its efforts to undermine the legitimate struggle for Tibetan rights and statehood.

Again, I am a firm believer in people's history. And the core problem with Parenti's position is that it is simply at odds with the statements, testimony, and shared history of the Tibetan people themselves - the people Parenti is supposedly defending. The view of Tibet that Parenti ascribes to has been commonly put forward by Chinese government officials - particularly the ones in the ministry of propaganda. Once upon a time it was a view embraced by a handful of British historians - most of them turn of the century explorers and colonists in their own right. But it has always been an outsider's view, completely divorced from the reality of how Tibetans of all walks of life view their own society and their own history.

In his descriptions of old Tibet, Parenti predominantly draws on the work of four historians - Anna Louise Strong, A. Tom Grunfeld, and Roma and Stuart Gelder. The fact that all of these historians had a romantic predilection towards Maoism and drew mostly on Chinese government statistics should surely be cause for concern as far as their legitimacy as source material. One certainly wouldn't trust the Indonesian government's party line on Aceh or East Timor. Or, for that matter, the U.S. government's continued assertion that the Iraqi people welcome the current American occupation. Such manipulations of public sentiment, in which an occupation is presented as 'the will of the people,' are – as a rule – only employed to further the agenda of the occupier.

For the most part, Parenti and the handful of historians who have adopted the view of old Tibet as a despotic feudal theocracy have had little if no contact with actual Tibetans either in or outside Tibet. Therefore, they have no real way of gauging the sentiments of the Tibetan people. Neither Parenti, Strong, Grunfeld, nor the Gelders speak Tibetan - or Chinese for that matter- so the body of historical literature on the Tibet issue that is available to them is extremely limited. Tom Grunfeld never went to Tibet until after his book was published. Anna Louise Strong – a diehard Marxist – was given a tightly monitored Chinese government tour of Lhasa and then went on to proclaim that "a million Tibetan serfs have stood up! They are burying the old serfdom and building a new tomorrow!" One might say that one doesn't need to go to Paris to know the Eiffel tower exists. However, before dismissing an entire culture's history as despotically repressive it is perhaps worth speaking to a few of its representatives.

Instead, Grunfeld repeatedly draws on the writings of a handful of British colonial explorers, who - as explorers often do - wrote down every piece of suspicious folklore and hearsay as fact. Grunfeld's source material for his depictions of Tibetans as cannibals, barbarians, and superstitious fanatics is no more credible than are the testimonials of early European explorers to Africa who spun yarns of three-headed natives. None of these depictions are corroborated by traditional Tibetan, Chinese, or Indian histories, which of course were not available to Grunfeld because of his lack of interest in learning the local language.

Grunfeld also makes extensive use of the writings of Sir Charles Bell, who he quotes regularly and with no apparent regard for context. Bell's stance was actually that Tibetans had been brutalized by the Chinese army and that Tibet was an independent nation of far greater 'character' than its neighbor. This seems to elude Grunfeld, who chops up Bell's sentences in order to isolate the worst and most sensational aspects of Tibetan society and present them as fact. Grunfeld also makes cultural blunders that would make freshmen history students squirm. As award-winning author Jamyang Norbu points out in his brilliant essay The Acme of Obscenity, Grunfeld even mistranslates the Tibetan word for 'Tibet'!

Parenti does little better in his treatment of history, erroneously stating that the first Dalai Lama was installed by 'the Chinese army'. One would presume that a Yale Ph.D. would know the difference between Chinese and Mongols. But apparently, in the Parenti-Grunfeld-Strong school of history, one word is as good as another and a Chinese is as good as a Mongol, as long as the point gets across.

With such evisceration of history as common practice it quickly becomes obvious that none these historians' writings on Tibet exist to illuminate true Tibetan history. In fact, neither Grunfeld, nor Strong, nor Parenti seem remotely interested in the specifics of the culture they're discussing.

For example, as Tashi Rapgey points out in her dissection of Tom Grunfeld's 'Making of Modern Tibet', the three social classes that Grunfeld and Strong lump Tibetans into - landowners, serfs, and slaves - have no relation to the actual breakdown of Tibetan society. It is a completely arbitrary classification that has no basis in reality-Tibetan society was never classified along these terms. Certainly a historian writing on the caste system in India would not reclassify Indian society according to their own liking or invent names to suit their own vision?

There were indeed indentured farmers in old Tibet. There were also merchants, nomads, traders, non-indentured farmers, hunters, herders, warlords, bandits, monks, nuns, musicians, theater actors and artists. Tibetan society was a vast, multi-faceted affair, as societies tend to be. To reduce it to three base experiences – and non-representative experiences at that – is to engage in the worst form of reductionism.

Not only are Strong and Grunfeld's breakdowns of Tibetan society grossly
miscategorized, their observations and criticisms are entirely removed from chronological and temporal reality. Folklore from hundreds of years ago, local myths, explorer's whimsy, and selective historical incidents are presented all together as static truth. Every single bad thing, every monstrosity real or imagined that occurred in Tibet between 1447 and October 6, 1950 is 'how it was' in 'old Tibet.' Fundamentally, this is not history. It is the crudest form of argumentative politics, drawing on selective quotes from non-native history - quite often the history of the occupiers themselves - and presenting it as fact.

In fact the entire notion of 'old Tibet' or Tibet under the Dalai Lamas as a static is erroneous. Life under the 13th Dalai Lama was drastically different that life under the 6th or the 5th. By the time the 13th Dalai Lama came along, for example, the Tibetan government had banned the death penalty – it was one of the first countries in the world to do so. But somehow, in the mind of Grunfeld and Parenti and Strong, Tibetans are to be held accountable for the actions of their distant predecessors.

That there was an imbalance of wealth in Tibet is quite true (There still is, only now the Chinese are the wealthy ones). Tibetans waged war, robbed each other, had strict laws and engaged in corporal punishment like all societies have done at various points in their history. But what is insidious about highlighting solely these aspects of Tibetan society is that these historians -Strong and Grunfeld particularly; Parenti is somewhat excused from this particular outrage-seem to be using 'how it was' in 'old Tibet' as a justification for invasion and occupation, just as the United States used the 'savagery' of the native populations as an excuse for their liquidation. This is the politics of the colonist to the core, in which the native is dehumanized and debased in order to make occupation more palatable, even necessary, or 'civilizing.' Strong does not even conceal her glee at the 'smashing' of old Tibet. Politics aside, its rather frightening to think of celebrating the demise of a culture that one hasn't had any direct contact with, whose existence one has only read about in books.

The romanticism that historians like Strong and Grunfeld hold for the Chinese invasion and occupation of Tibet and the smashing of the old ways is based on an inherently flawed presumption that the invasion was some kind of people's revolution. The Chinese government line, which Strong and Grunfeld and even Parenti seem to have bought into -is that the Tibetan people, and particularly the Tibetan peasantry, welcomed the occupation and in fact that it was they themselves who 'overthrew the landlords.' Such a supposition has no basis in fact.

The Chinese army rolled into Chamdo in Eastern Tibet in October of 1950 and decimated the 8,000-man Tibetan fighting force that was assembled to resist them. That there were Tibetans who initially greeted the arrival of the Chinese is without question; that these Tibetans were the vast minority is also without question. Legitimate histories of Tibet, such as Tsering Shakya's 'Dragon in the Land of Snows' corroborate this fact.

Whatever romantic picture the Chinese government's propaganda department paints of enslaved peasants casting off the bonds of feudalism, there is little in the way of factual evidence to support this. Most of the evidence produced by Beijing comes in the form of testimonials recorded by party cadres, whose questionable nature as a source of objective information should not even have to be mentioned, especially coming from a government that excels in 'extracting testimonials.' These testimonials are written in such propaganda-speak that it is nearly impossible to read them with a straight face; even more impossible to imagine anyone actually uttering the words.

Oddly enough, in contrast to the Chinese government line that it was the Tibetan peasantry who readily embraced communism, communism was in fact much more popular - as it is in this country - among the educated elite. The Tibetan communist party was a creation of sons of wealthy aristocrats; the Tibetan peasantry on the other hand were the ones who eventually formed the brunt of resistance to Chinese government rule.

Whatever the case, Tibetan opinion towards Beijing quickly cooled after the signing of the 17-point agreement in 1951, and certainly was not favorable by 1959, when a popular Tibetan uprising threatened China's very grip on the nation. This resistance was for the most part carried out by Khampa tribesmen in Eastern Tibet, who had suffered some of the most brutal treatment at the hands of the Chinese government. That these fighters were for a time funded by the CIA does not – as Parenti seems to presume – represent some kind of trump card that de-legitimizes the aims, aspirations, and existence of the Tibetan resistance movement. The CIA used the Tibetans just as it has it used nationalist movements in dozens of countries around the world; with little thought for the local people and as a means of waging their own cold war. The Tibetan resistance fighters, who came from poor frontier villages in Eastern Tibet, were happy to have anyone on their side. They had no way of knowing the larger political framework that they had been sucked into. Ironically, it was the Dalai Lama who put an end to this resistance, by calling on the fighters to drop their arms and embrace nonviolent means of conflict resolution.

As for the reality of the subsequent Chinese occupation, which every legitimate human rights organization in the world has labeled with terms like 'cultural genocide', it should hardly need further exposition. One of the most telling historical documents of the time is the Panchen Lama's 70,000 word treatise to Chairman Mao on behalf of the Tibetan people. Not only is this document considered by serious historians to be one of the only reliable texts from that time period, it illuminates the extraordinary kow-towing that was necessary in order for even an elevated Chinese official such as the Panchen Lama to speak to Chairman Mao at that time. Apparently, Mao was not interested in listening to the day-to-day problems of the 'serfs' he 'liberated'. The Panchen Lama was sent to prison for suggesting that people in Tibet were starving; the average Tibetan peasant who offered the same criticism to his local Chinese official did not fare nearly as well.

In his article Parenti again quotes Tom Grunfeld - whose idealism of the cultural revolution should automatically remove him from use as an unbiased source of historical data on the Chinese occupation of Tibet - and asserts that 'slavery and unpaid labor disappeared under Mao'. This sentence simply has no place in any legitimate historical writing. Perhaps Parenti would like to sit down and have a chat with the relatives of the thousands of Tibetans who were worked to death by Chinese soldiers at the infamous Borax mine in Changthang. I've met them myself, and they are far more deserving of a platform on Tibetan history and cultural issues than Parenti. Mao's forced sedentarization of Tibetan nomads was certainly not a liberation; nor was the government-enforced switch to growing foreign cereal crops which resulted in widespread famine in many regions of Tibet.

But again, the true testament to the fact that Tibetans have been far from content under Chinese rule lie in the actions of the people themselves. Ever since the Chinese invasion and occupation there has been substantial popular resistance to Chinese rule in Tibet. This resistance has taken many forms over the years - leafleting, public demonstration, mass non-cooperation, economic boycott, and armed uprising are all forms of protest have been practiced by Tibetans inside Tibet, at the risk of their own lives.

The Chinese government has faced phenomenal opposition from the Tibetan people, certainly far more opposition than the Lhasa government ever faced from its own population, which does not do much to further the argument that 'old Tibet' was a terribly repressive society. Nor does the fact that Tibetan refugees continue pour out of Tibet at a rate never seen prior to 1959. In a classic case of uninformed conjecture, Parenti supposes that Tibetan refugees never left prior to 1959 because the 'systems of control' were so deep and that Tibetans were 'afraid of amputation'. Any quick glance at a map of Tibet, with its vast, unpatrolable borders, or any basic knowledge of the structure of Tibetan society would quickly reveal that Tibetans - should they have wanted to escape their 'feudal masters' - would have had little problem doing so.

But perhaps there is no more telling testament to the Tibetan people's sentiment towards their own culture than the fact that in the early 1980's- when the Chinese government finally relaxed some of its draconian policies towards Tibet- the first thing Tibetans set about doing is rebuilding and repopulating monasteries - the very symbols of 'old Tibet.' The next thing they did was take to the streets and protest for freedom and for the Dalai Lama's return. This is not the behavior of a people who are trying to cast off their old ways. It sounds more like a people who are trying to get their culture back.

This brings up again the essential flaw in Parenti's reasoning-it is not based on the experience of Tibetans. The actuality is that there is now and always has been a people's movement of Tibetans- in fact the vast majority of Tibetans both inside and outside Tibet- who overwhelmingly support the Dalai Lama and more specifically are in favor of Tibetan statehood. This movement cannot simply be dismissed as incidental, or foreign-backed, or primarily aristocratic in nature. The argument that the Tibetan resistance is driven by aristocrats is fairly essential for Parenti et al because without it they would be forced to recognize the existence of this movement-and the existence of such a movement would suggest that perhaps the Tibetan people themselves are more enamored of the Dalai Lama than they ever were of Mao.

The Tibetan resistance, both historically and currently, has been made up of Tibetans from across the social spectrum. The Khampa fighters in the late 50s and early 60s were certainly not aristocrats, nor was Thrinley Chodron, a nun who led a bloody resistance battle against Chinese forces in 1969. The Tibetans who took to the streets and were gunned down in the late 80s were not former aristocrats. Nor are the hundreds of Tibetans currently languishing in Drapchi prison for expressing their desire for statehood.

Currently, there are over 150,000 Tibetans living in exile around the world. There are nomads-in-exile, farmers-in-exile, truck drivers-in-exile. To characterize this entire group as aristocrats or former aristocrats is ludicrous. In New York City alone, there are nearly 5,000 Tibetan refugees. I'm quite certain that Ngawang Rabgyal at the Office of Tibet, who is charged with helping this refugee community find jobs in the outer reaches of Queens, would raise an eyebrow at the description of Tibetan refugees as 'aristocrats.'

The notion that the Tibetan community in exile longs to return to a 'Shangri-la' and re-establish their aristocracy is a banal and uninformed argument that has nothing to do with the real and stated aspirations of the Tibetan freedom movement. First of all, Tibetans never called their country Shangri-La; it was an outsider, James Hilton, who first did that. They never saw their country as a paradise and the Tibetan community is certainly not seeking to reestablish the same political system that existed in pre-1959 Tibet (nor would it be possible). The Dalai Lama has all but abdicated his position as future leader of Tibet – despite the fact that 98% of Tibetans both in and outside Tibet would elect him in a heartbeat – saying that he would rather attend to his religious duties than be a political leader. The Tibetan Kashag is now made up of democratically elected officials and the Tibetan Government-in-Exile –- which, whether Parenti cares to acknowledge their existence or not, is a legitimate entity charged with the welfare of 150,000 refugees – has already outlined a democratic structure for the future government of Tibet.

The movement for Tibetan statehood permeates all segments of Tibetan society. Nomads in western Tibet, herders in Changtang, farmers in Amdo, merchants in Lhasa– the vast majority of Tibetans are vocal – as much as they can be – about their nationalist aspirations. Anyone who has spent time around Tibetans inside or outside Tibet knows this as fact. This fact does not have to be footnoted; it is experiential history.

By way of personal testimony, before I ever became involved in the Tibetan political struggle I went to Tibet myself. I was there during a period of martial law and at certain sensitive locations I had to be escorted by Chinese guides, who made a half-hearted attempt to show me the 'feudal torture chambers' of old Tibet and a statue of a liberated serf 'breaking the chains of bondage'; the guides barely seemed to believe it themselves. But even they could not produce Tibetan citizens who would rail against the Dalai Lama or speak of how they had 'cast off the bonds of
feudalism'. I know of no traveler to Tibet who has heard this type of testimony. There are Tibetans in government positions in Lhasa who will give you this line; and there are probably some Tibetans in Tibet who believe it. But again, for the vast majority of Tibetans, this is simply not part of the their experience. Get any Tibetan nomad, farmer, peasant, or monk a few hundred yards away from their local party cadre and the first thing they'll do is ask for a picture of the Dalai Lama; the second thing they'll do is ask you to help them free their country.

And there's the core of the matter: 'old Tibet', the Tibet that existed pre-1959, simply does not represent to the average Tibetan what it does to Michael Parenti, Tom Grunfeld, and Anna Louise Strong. Scholars like Parenti and Grunfeld and Strong, with limited source material and no firsthand experience, see old Tibet as a horrible place; but the bottom line is they're not Tibetan. And if Tibetans themselves don't see their past as a past of feudal lords and merciless repression, then do they really need scholars like Parenti to tell them what their past is all about?

Saying debasing things about a culture is certainly not extraordinarily difficult; seen through the lens that Parenti and Grunfeld apply to Tibet, most if not all societies would come up short, as would many resistance movements. The real story then, is not what these historians have to say, but why they have chosen to say it in the way they say it.

Many Tibetans do welcome commentary and criticism on aspects of their society; I have certainly been privy to many heated arguments on old Tibet and on the future direction of Tibetan politics. But that is because I have taken the time to really get to know Tibetan society. Perhaps what is most striking about the history that Parenti and Grunfeld and Strong present is the tone with which they speak of Tibetan culture, without ever having experienced it. The facts they deliver are clearly not being presented in order to help Tibetan people. They are fairly serious charges, and as objective as the authors pretend to be, these charges are delivered with venom.

Oddly, Parenti - like Grunfeld - seems taken aback at the emotional response that his writing has evoked among Tibetans and their supporters. It would seem fairly obvious to anyone with any common sense that dismissing an entire culture - particularly one in dire peril -and making statements that run completely contrary to everything the vast majority of its people know from firsthand experience would illicit an emotional response. Perhaps these scholars are surprised because they have forgotten that words carry weight, and that their actions actually have tangible results in the real world. In the Tibet movement, the results have been clearly measurable - Tibetan activists, who should be focused on returning basic rights to a people whose lack of freedoms is documented by every major human rights organization in the world, instead find themselves in the position of having to defend the actions of a bygone society. Former torture victims are accosted by nineteen year old American college students who have never been to Tibet, never met a Tibetan, and surely never had anyone in their family tortured with electric cattle prods. This, for a people who are in a very real struggle for rights, is not only extremely upsetting, it serves to forward the agenda of their oppressor.

It is no secret that the Chinese government views propaganda as a key weapon in its efforts to undermine the movement for Tibetan rights and statehood. Chinese state run media - whose use of manufactured and manipulated history is indisputable - regularly debases and assails Tibetan culture and specifically the Dalai Lama, who is dismissed with regularity - and relish. The Tibetan refugee population is treated with equal disdain, the Tibetan government-in-exile, which, again serves the very real function of looking after the welfare of 150,000 refugees and lobbying international institutions for rights and recognition, is dismissed entirely. Luckily for Tibetans, Beijing's Orwellian rants about Tibet - labeling the Dalai Lama a "serpent" and "the chief villain" - have bordered on the hilarious. That is, until recently. Now the war of words has spilled over into more legitimate circles.

Recognizing that Tibetans and the Tibetan struggle are generally well-perceived in the west, and seeking to win the war of perception,
Beijing's propaganda strategy has now grown, with regular meetings on external and internal Tibet-related propaganda. One key element of the new propaganda strategy is to make greater use of Tibet scholars, both Chinese and Western. In 2001 a leaked Chinese Government memo from the Chinese Communist Party's Ninth Meeting on Tibet-Related External Propaganda stated "Effective use of Tibetologists and specialists is the core of our external propaganda struggle for public opinion on Tibet..."

With this as the political backdrop, levying ill-researched and unsubstantiated charges at Tibetan culture - in fact the very charges often employed by their Chinese occupiers to delegitimize their entire society - is a dangerous game indeed. It is one thing to offer criticisms of a culture or religion that is not fighting for its very survival. It is quite another to rewrite the history of a people who are already the victims of a propaganda war at the hands of one of the largest propaganda machines in the world.

What surprises me most about the far left's flawed take on Tibet is how quickly a piece of propaganda turns into 'scholarship,' how a piece of hearsay becomes fact if given a footnote. Mao said 'a lie told a hundred times becomes the truth.' Sadly, in the case of the new Tibet 'scholarship', a lie footnoted once has already become truth. A pool of bad information now exists, ready for any scholar with an agenda to draw from and appear legitimate. Few will bother to look beneath the surface, at the highly questionable source of this information-colonists, oppressors, and outsiders, writing a history that they have no place writing. And what gets lost in the mix, as always, is the voice of the Tibetan people themselves.

There is one statement in Parenti's thesis that summarizes how completely disconnected he is from any kind of Tibetan reality. In his thesis, he states that old Tibet was a society that was 'damaging to the human spirit.' Any person who has spent any time with the Tibetan people would laugh at the irony. Being with Tibetans of all walks of life, inside and outside of Tibet, one is always struck by the incredible, contagious spirit of Tibetan culture. From the Khampa drinking songs to the picnics that are the preferred activity of all Tibetans, Tibetan society is known for its passion and exuberance. This spirit is something that grows directly from the culture that Parenti is so intent on debasing. This spirit is what the Chinese government has tried so desperately to crush – making the singing of freedom songs illegal and prohibiting traditional Tibetan festivals. The struggle against totalitarianism is precisely a struggle for spirit, and I'm willing to wager that a populist like Mr. Parenti would find far more joy drinking chang and singing songs with a party of exiled Tibetans than he ever would at a Chinese cadre meeting; sadly, he won't ever get to find out. He's chosen his bedfellows, and more power to him. In the end it is the Tibetan people who will be the arbiters of their own fate. By the time that fate is decided Parenti will be long gone, onto some other issue, and Tibetans will be no worse off because of it.

*

posted in Free Tibet - 6 replies

March 10 is coming!

2009-01-29T14:58:49Z

I live in the DC area and I am trying to find out what is being planned for March 10 in terms of public protests or other actions on or around the anniversary of the 1959 uprising.

I've checked the websites for the Capital Area Tibetan Association and also Students for a Free Tibet - but so far they don't have anything posted.

Here are those websites by the way:

http://dctibetan.com/

http://www.studentsforafreetibet.org/

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Depressing story in Rolling Stone

2008-12-13T04:43:57Z

this month... read it and weep...

posted in Free Tibet - 10 replies

Human Rights March and Prayer Vigil

2008-12-02T09:08:32Z

Date/Time
December 6 (Saturday), Meet at 1:30 pm Space Needle
Location
March from Seattle Space Needle to Pike Market Plaza (by the bay)
Sponsored by
Students for a Free Tibet, Seattle Chapter and the Seattle Friends of Tibet

Repression and mass arrest are on-going inside Tibet to this day. We pray and ask for the Tibetan's minority and cultural rights be respected by the Chinese Government.

full description & details:

December 6th, 2008

Meet @ Seattle Space Needle @ 1:30 sharp!
March & Vigil to follow at Victor Steinbrueck Park (Pike Market)

December 10th marks International Human Rights Day, a day set aside to recognize the inherent rights of every person and to take action for those who have been denied their rights. China's brutal crackdown in Tibet, is robbing Tibetans of even their most basic rights.

Come and celebrate this year's Human Rights Day, please join Tibetans and supporters in demanding the Chinese government immediately to end its crackdown in Tibet and commit to meaningful negotiations to resolve the Tibet issue.

Spearheaded by the Seattle Chapter of the Students for a Free Tibet. For more info, please contact - Kunsang: 425-772-6101
Or Seattle FoT Support coordinator - Lester: 425-772-5166

For Human Rights and Minority Solidarity!

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

no more internet censorship- worldwide

2008-09-30T13:19:53Z

www.picidae.net

see how it works, help by downloadeing the free shareware and pass the message on

this will give people in censored countries access to the internet as it is,- and this could save lives in oppressed countries

posted in Free Tibet - 3 replies

Strong earthquake hits Tibet

2008-08-26T08:32:39Z

BEIJING (Reuters) - A strong earthquake measuring 6.8 magnitude struck Tibet on Monday, but no loss of life was immediately reported, the Tibet Earthquake Bureau said on Monday.

The quake struck at 9:22 p.m. (9:22 a.m. EDT) and was centered in Zhongba county, a remote region near the China-Nepal border, the bureau said on its website (www.eq-xz.net).

A number of aftershocks followed and the Tibetan government had dispatched earthquake officials to the sparsely populated region, it said.

The U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) recorded the tremor, which was felt as far as New Delhi, at 6.3 magnitude and at a depth of 21.7 miles.

The quake was strongly felt in some townships and cracks had appeared in some buildings, Xinhua news agency said, citing an unnamed official from Zhongba county, part of Xigaze Prefecture in Tibet, which has a population of about 18,000.

It said local authorities were still assessing the situation in remote townships.

The quake was felt in Nepal and in New Delhi, where witnesses said buildings swayed. In Nepal, authorities said they were trying to find out whether there was any loss of life.

People ran out of their houses in Nepalgunj, 321 km (200 miles) southwest of the capital Kathmandu, they added.

A string of tremors in southwest Yunnan province last week killed at least five people, injured dozens and prompted the evacuation of over 120,000 people, state media reported.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

China's heavy Olympic footprint in Tibet

2008-08-23T19:10:58Z

China's heavy Olympic footprint on Tibet
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
ICT Report
August 23, 2008

On the eve of an Olympics closing ceremony, which will include a
final propaganda push on Tibet, tight security remains in place
across the Tibetan plateau, including shoot to kill orders to prevent
further unrest during the final days of the Olympics Games.

Beginning in March and continuing in the weeks and months preceding
the Beijing Olympics, a tidal wave of protests swept across the
Tibetan plateau, the result of more than half a century of Chinese
government misrule. The uprising revealed the breakdown of Beijing's
Tibet policy at a time when China hoped to convey to the world an
image of harmony, as characterized in their "one world, one dream"
Olympics slogan.

"Thanks to its own hard-line policies and miscalculations - and the
determination of free people around the world - Beijing utterly
failed to portray the happy picture of Tibet it had planned for. In
the lead-up to the Olympics and during the Games, Chinese authorities
have espoused vitriol against the Dalai Lama and his supporters,
broken their pledges of media access and committed both petty and
gross violations against internationally recognized human rights
norms, from blocking access to rock songs celebrating peace to
shooting Tibetan demonstrators dead," said John Ackerly, ICT President.

The Olympics closing ceremony on Sunday, August 24 will feature an
operatic depiction of China's historic relations to Tibet. The piece
was commissioned to support Chinese legitimacy in Tibet and first
performed following the March 1959 uprising in Lhasa, which led to
thousands of Tibetan deaths and the flight of the Dalai Lama into exile.

Mary Beth Markey, ICT Vice President for International Advocacy, said
today: "There is a real drama going on in Tibet during these Olympic
Games and it has little to do with the flying Buddhist sprites of the
opening ceremony or the operatically conveyed propaganda of the
closing ceremony. China's leaders now should move beyond showmanship
to statesmanship and engage the Tibetan people in finding real
solutions to the real problems in Tibet."

According to numerous reports received by ICT, there are serious
fears that the crackdown could worsen still further after the
Olympics, once the global focus is no longer on China. Many Tibetans
are concerned - and in some cases, have been warned by Chinese
security personnel - that more reprisals may follow the Olympics,
with people who are now being monitored being taken into custody
later. One source referred, chillingly, to the well-known Chinese
phrase of "settling accounts after autumn harvest" (qiu hou suan zhang).

Veteran China analyst Willy Wo Lap Lam believes this may well apply
throughout China, saying: "Not only have the Olympics failed to act
as a catalyst for political liberalization in China, but the regime's
pre-Olympics security buildup looks set to enable the government to
crack down as hard as ever on dissent after the Games are over...
Growing instability on various fronts has predisposed the Hu
leadership toward strengthening the police-state apparatus that has
been put together in the name of ensuring a trouble-free Olympics.
Moreover, cadres in the law-and-order establishment, who include
senior officials in the Central Political and Legal Commission as
well as military, police and judicial departments, have gained
immense clout, not to mention much more funding, since early this
year." (Wall Street Journal, August 22, 2008).

New images and reports received from Tibet despite China's attempts
to impose an information blackout give evidence of the following:

* In the early days of the Olympics, military snipers were positioned
in Lhasa hotels
* Two Tibetan women entering a shop in Ngaba were shot by security
personnel on 9 August, the day after the Olympics opening ceremony
* Security personnel in Ngaba held a mock demonstration a week before
the Olympics complete with display of flags that appear to be similar
to the banned Tibetan 'snow lion' flag
* Monasteries across the Tibetan plateau remain under lockdown
* Intense security remains in the Kham area of eastern Tibet with
severe restrictions on the movements of Tibetans and the atmosphere
of a 'war zone', as described by a recent visitor
* Despite the Chinese government's attempts to impose a news blackout
across the Tibetan plateau during the Olympics, ICT has received the
following reports in the last few days.

Military snipers positioned in Lhasa hotels

From August 6-10, military snipers were positioned in Lhasa hotels.
According to a report by a Western expert with Tibetan sources, "In
one hotel, which had no guests at the time, about 20 soldiers took
over upstairs rooms overlooking the street for the entire period.
They entered the hotel discreetly so few people knew they were there.
They were behind curtains or stood back from the window in some other
way so as not to be visible from the street. They were changed
periodically by replacements. They paid a small token fee for each
room and were well behaved and friendly. All were Chinese. My source
believed that an order had been given for that 24-hour period that
soldiers could shoot on sight anyone who was seen with a knife or
other weapon." It is not known if the snipers were People's
Liberation Army or People's Armed Police, although the former appears
to be the most likely according to the same report.

Two Tibetan women shot by security personnel

A day after the Olympics opening ceremony, on August 9, at around
4.30 p.m. local time, two Tibetan women in their twenties were shot
by security personnel as they went to a shop in the town of Ngaba
(Chinese: Aba), Ngaba Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan
province. The two women are Sonam Wangmo, aged 22, from Lower Ngawa
Sezo and Tranyeyeng, aged 28, from Gyalrang. One was shot in the leg
and the other sustained an injury to her hand and they are still
receiving medical treatment. According to three Tibetan sources in
contact with exile Tibetans, it appears that the women were visiting
the shop to recharge their mobile phones, and may have been shot
because they were in the street at a time of restrictions linked to
the Olympic Games and in the aftermath of protests in the region.

A Tibetan source told ICT: "[The source] heard four or five gun shots
while he was at home with family and friends. He wanted to go out
into the street to see what was going on. But his family and friends
advised against that because the situation was obviously dangerous
and, in addition, strict restrictions had been imposed upon the
movement of Tibetans since a few days before the Olympics began. He,
along with his family and friends, performed some prayers at home."

Sources in the area say that restaurants and shops are closed before
7 pm and no one is allowed to go out of their houses after that.
People are even frightened to go out in the daytime. Monks are
ordered to stay in their monasteries, which are surrounded by armed
troops, according to various reports.

Mock protest demonstrates military force

During the Olympic period, there has been a significant buildup of
troops in the Ngaba region, with military even carrying out a mock
protest as a training exercise at the end of July/early August. The
images - which are available for press - show troops near to Tro-Tsuk
monastery in Ngaba county re-enacting a protest and demonstrating the
suppression of that protest. They carried flags that appeared to be
similar to the Tibetan national flag, just as Tibetan protesters
carried Tibetan flags in demonstrations in the area in March. In that
protest, police fired on and killed unarmed protesters (see ICT's
report Tibet at a Turning Point: The Spring Uprising and China's New
Crackdown, at
http://www.savetibet.org/documents/document.php?id=258). According to
Tibetan sources who provided the images, some soldiers were dressed
as monks and lay protesters during the exercise. Sources have
speculated that the protest was being filmed, perhaps for propaganda
purposes as well as to train military personnel.

On August 4, the military troops stationed in this area, said to be
occupying nomadic pastureland a few kilometers from Ngaba town,
staged a drill performance attended by officials. Security has been
stepped up at Kirti monastery after monks participated in protests in
March. New surveillance cameras have been installed in the monastery,
which is surrounded by Chinese security personnel. Monks are not
allowed to leave the monastery without permission from senior monks
in the monastery's management.

Kham area "like a war-zone"

A number of reports received by ICT indicate that Beijing has ramped
up security substantially in Kardze (Chinese: Ganzi), Sichuan (the
Tibetan area of Kham) in order to ensure that no discontent was
expressed during the Olympics. Many monasteries in the area are still
under lockdown and severe restrictions imposed on the movements of
Tibetans in these areas.

A Taiwanese-American tourist, Wen Yan-King, who was detained and
expelled from the Kardze area after an unauthorized visit in July,
reported: "There's a good reason that foreigners aren't allowed in
these places. It looks like a war zone. In Kardze the police are in
the middle of the sidewalks. They're sitting in helmets holding their
guns and riot shields in rows of 10 or 15. They are outside
convenience stores under blue tarps every half a block, on both sides
of the road - watching. They're up on raised metal posts with cutout
windows - watching. I couldn't walk anywhere without dozens of armed
police staring at me. I've never seen so many police and military
personnel in one town in my life. Nor have I experienced this kind of
heart-pounding fear before." (Huffington Post blog by Rebecca Novick,
August 12,
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rebecca-novick/arrested-in-tibet-a-young_b_118342.html).

Since the unrest began in March, the crackdown in the Kham area of
Tibet has been particularly severe - ICT has logged a total of 45 out
of 125 protests in Sichuan (incorporating the traditional Tibetan
area of Kham) since March, the highest total out of all the provinces
incorporating Tibetan autonomous areas (Qinghai, Tibet Autonomous
Region, Gansu, Yunnan). Tibetans in this area are known for their
strong sense of Tibetan identity and nationalism; many Khampas
(residents of Kham) were involved in resistance to the Chinese
invasion in 1949-50 and to the Chinese presence in 1956-9.

Wen Yan-King reported similar restrictions in the Lithang (Chinese:
Litang) area, where she counted as many as seven police stations in a
half-mile radius. "The local Tibetans told me that these police
stations had sprung up after the protests in March. If there's a way
to instill fear in people, this is the way to do it. You're not going
to go out in the street and protest when you see fifty armed police
to the left and right of you." (Huffington Post, August 12).

The recent intensification of restrictions on religious expression,
and the requirement to denounce the Dalai Lama, has led to a new wave
of protests and arrests of monks, nuns and laypeople in the last
couple of months and a number of unarmed protesters have been shot
dead. Hundreds of Tibetans in Kham including monks, nuns, laypeople
and schoolchildren, have been detained and treated with extreme
brutality. Unarmed peaceful protesters were shot dead during mainly
peaceful protests in Kham in March and April. (see ICT's report:
Tibet at a Turning Point: the Spring Uprising and China's New
Crackdown http://www.savetibet.org/documents/document.php?id=258).

Tibet and the Olympics

In order to hide its violent repression in Tibet, particularly as it
seeks to project an image of stability and unity during the Olympics,
China has sealed off virtually the entire plateau, despite promising
increasing openness prior to the Games in August. Although the Tibet
Autonomous Region [TAR] opened up to foreign tour groups on June 25,
according to an announcement in the official media, tourism is not in
any way back to normal, despite official reports. It is still highly
restricted and monasteries are still closed.

While the crackdown continues in Tibet, Tibetan cultural performers
were featured in the Olympics opening ceremony, and will feature in
Sunday's closing ceremony, in an attempt to convey the impression
that Tibetan culture is thriving and that the Tibetan people are
united with the rest of the PRC.

The opening ceremony had also included a procession of children
dressed in traditional clothing to represent China's officially
recognized 55 ethnic nationality groups. News reports later revealed
that the children were all Han Chinese, China's majority ethnic group.

Tibetan traditional opera singers performing in Beijing have been
warned that they must be on "their best ideological form," with a
senior government official in the TAR giving them the following
briefing: "All performers who are going to Beijing must have the
strongest consideration for political responsibility and must show
the best ideological form in order for the performance to be lively
and attractive." The same government official added: "The performance
must be symbolic of the great unity of ethnic groups in the TAR and
to represent the remarkable achievement of Tibetan people under the
excellent Communist Party's leaders and their policies." (News
bulletin on Xizang TV, July 22, 2008.)

The Chinese-Tibetan opera to be performed at the Olympic Games
closing ceremony is called "Princess Wencheng," and is the story of
the marriage between the eponymous Chinese princess and Songsten
Gampo, a Tibetan king in the 7th century. The tale is often used by
Beijing for propaganda purposes to illustrate the historic and
cultural connection between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. The
director of the opera in Beijing this week, Mr Gao, told The Times of
London: "Now you can say this is a perfect marriage between these two
art forms just as the marriage of Princess Wencheng and King Songtsen
Gampo was a marriage between the Chinese and Tibetan peoples."
(August 20,
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/sport/olympics/article4568771.ece).
When The Times reporter asked a Tibetan performer if he was happy to
be in the show, he replied: "What choice do I have?"

The ICT report, 'Tibet at a Turning Point: The Spring Uprising and
China's New Crackdown', which includes an analysis of Chinese leaders
responsible for implementing Tibet policy and the crackdown, is
available for downloading at:
http://www.savetibet.org/documents/document.php?id=258. Press in
China can contact press@savetibet.org for an electronic pdf copy.
Images of the military buildup and mock protest are also available
for press; contact: press@savetibet.org.

This report can be found online at
http://savetibet.org/news/newsitem.php?id=1352

Press contact:
Kate Saunders
Communications Director, ICT
Tel: +44 7947 138612
email: press@savetibet.org

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

How to protest in Beijing

2008-08-23T19:07:39Z

A Mission of Dissent in the Heart of Beijing
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Caution, Resilience Aided Pro-Tibet Team
By Ariana Eunjung Cha, Washington Post Foreign Service
The Washington Post
August 23, 2008; A01

BEIJING -- Sam Maron came to China posing as a tourist excited about
his first trip to the country. With his point-and-shoot camera and
monotone T-shirts, he blended into the crowds of other foreigners in
town for the Olympic Games.

Had Chinese authorities bothered to check his luggage and that of his
companions, they might have gotten a hint of what was to come: a
25-by-15-foot white nylon sheet, a handful of black Sharpie markers,
climbing ropes, harnesses and walkie-talkies.

Within days of the group's arrival, the items had been assembled.

Shortly before dawn on Aug. 15, Maron, two other Americans, a
Canadian woman and a British man were hanging off the side of a
billboard next to the new headquarters of China's state-run
television station, CCTV, and raising a banner that said "Free Tibet."

It was yet another victory for Students for a Free Tibet, an activist
organization based in New York that has pulled off eight protests
over two weeks in one of the most locked-down countries in the world,
a record far surpassing that of any other group.

Activists upset over China's hosting of the Games had hoped
demonstrators would descend on Beijing in droves this month. The
groups' causes included human rights, religious freedom,
environmentalism and media freedom, as well as Darfur and China's role there.

But with the Olympics ending on Sunday, few groups have demonstrated.
Many activists proved unable to evade Chinese security authorities
long enough to stage a successful protest; others, facing severe visa
restrictions, never even got into the country.

Athletes, meanwhile, appear largely to have adhered to an
International Olympic Committee rule forbidding political, religious
or racial protests at Olympic sites or venues, including the
athletes' village. Among the rare exceptions was a Polish
weightlifter, Szymon Kolecki, who shaved his head before winning a
silver medal on Sunday and indicated it was a gesture of solidarity
with Tibetan monks.

Protests by Students for a Free Tibet have been far more theatrical.
As of Friday, 55 volunteers from the group had been detained or
deported for their short-lived demonstrations in some of Beijing's
most iconic venues: Tiananmen Square, the National Stadium, the
Olympic Green. Six are still being held on a 10-day detention
sentence, and four were taken away by police Thursday, their
whereabouts unknown.

How the group, a grass-roots organization using only about 150
volunteers and a budget of $1 million in donations, managed to
outmaneuver the vast Chinese security apparatus is a study in
persistence, planning and passion. Their goal was to draw attention
to what they say is the oppression of a region that has been under
Beijing's control since 1950.

Authorities in Beijing maintain that Tibet is an inalienable part of
China and that foreigners do not understand the situation there.
Protesters, they say, are intent on simply embarrassing China.

Maron, 22, who graduated from the University of Vermont in May,
doesn't see it that way.

"I don't expect Tibet to be free once the Olympics end," he said,
"but we're trying to take the spotlight away from China's growth and
put it on the abuses of their occupation."

The Plan

The planning for the Beijing protests, funded mostly through small
individual donations of as little as $10, began in earnest earlier
this year as volunteers from around the world flooded Chinese visa
offices with their applications.

Those who were approved deployed to Beijing in teams of four or five,
with specific instructions. The teams were to operate independently
and with only minimal communication with the outside. Each knew its
own mission but was provided with little information about the other
teams. That way, if one was captured, it couldn't tip off authorities
to the broader plans.

Separately, a group of "citizen journalists" working for Students for
a Free Tibet was assigned to photograph, film and otherwise document
each protest and post footage on the Internet. A "witness" would
watch and serve as a spokesman to the media if the protesters were arrested.

While in China, these observers were not to interact with the
protesters. In many cases they would be told the time and location of
the demonstrations -- or "actions" -- minutes before they happened.
Only when speaking to reporters were they to identify themselves as
spokesmen for Students for a Free Tibet.

Maron said he was assigned to what became known as Group 6. Its
members had never met before a planning meeting in San Francisco this summer.

Besides Maron, the two other Americans were Bianca Bockman, 27, a
substitute teacher from Oakland, Calif., who is active in animal and
human rights campaigns, and Kelly Osborne, 39, a youth minister from
Oklahoma City.

They were joined by Canadian Nicole Rycroft, 41, formerly a
nationally ranked rower in Australia and head of an environmental
group, and Britain's Phil Kirk, 24, an experienced rock climber who
works in a sports equipment store.

Their motivations were as diverse as their backgrounds. Some had been
inspired by listening to the Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan spiritual
leader. Others had spent time in India or Nepal and heard stories of
Tibetan repression.

Rycroft said her goal was to tell the Chinese government: "It takes
more than just economic might to be a world leader. Justice has to be
part of that." Osborne said he hoped he could inspire ordinary
Chinese to get involved. "I believed that as human beings, the
Chinese people, if they knew what was really going on in Tibet, they
would be outraged by that as well," he said.

For months, Maron agonized over whether to volunteer. His parents
were worried he would get hurt. He was concerned he would never be
able to get a Chinese visa again.

"But the more I thought about it, this is something I felt I had to
do. I realized that I have the ability to go and to go speak out and
in a way that a lot of Tibetans are not able to," he said.

So on July 31, he boarded a plane to Beijing.

The Adjustment

Maron met his co-conspirators in a two-bedroom apartment hotel in the
central part of the city. None spoke Chinese, and only one had been
to Beijing before.

They spent the first few days checking out their assigned target -- a
tourist spot near the Great Wall -- but they found security there too
tight. They needed a new plan.

Armed with a Lonely Planet phrase book, they hit all the other major
sites in Beijing in search of a new location: the Forbidden City,
Tiananmen Square, the Sanlitun bar street. They were careful not to
blow their covers. They ate Chinese for every meal, went drinking,
played a few matches of Ping-Pong.

"We were tourists through and through. They would have gotten really
bored if they followed us," Bockman said.

In their spare time, the group's members worked on the banner in
their apartment, using pens to carefully write F-R-E-E T-I-B-E-T in
giant letters. They copied the four Chinese characters with an
equivalent meaning from a piece of paper they had brought from the
United States.

All the while, they carefully followed a set of rules: limit personal
e-mail; use pay phones to check in with family and friends; in phone
conversations, use vague phrases such as "Hi, I'm fine" and "We're
having a great time."

When they talked about the protest in their hotel room, they turned
on the shower or the TV to try to drown out any listening devices
that might have been planted. All notes were ripped into tiny shreds,
separated into piles so they could not be reassembled easily, and
disposed of in multiple trash cans on the street.

One day they were riding in a taxi along Beijing's Third Ring Road
when Bockman spotted the gleaming new CCTV building, an imposing
structure of twisted steel, and suggested it might make a good target.

Security around the building was light. While the tower was under
construction and probably dangerous to climb, a row of billboards
nearby with steel frame grids seemed sturdy.

Most of the signs had corporate ads, but one of them said simply
"Beijing 2008" and featured the Olympic rings.

Perfect.

The 'Poignant' Point

At 5:45 a.m. a few days later, team members were climbing the billboard.

Rycroft and Kirk went first. Their job was to get the banner to the
top and unroll it.

The three Americans played a support role. They were the lookouts.

Within 10 minutes, Rycroft and Kirk had scaled the structure and
managed to unfurled the "Free Tibet" banner. They were taking some
Tibetan flags out of their backpacks when trouble arrived.

The Chinese security forces were fast. Maron was the first to spot
them and their clubs.

"It's hard not to be nervous and scared when you see 12 paramilitary
police in full camouflage sprinting towards you across the parking
lot," he recalled.

Maron tried to talk to them, to explain that if they just left the
group alone everyone would come down safely. But three of the men
grabbed Bockman and pulled her down. The others quickly scrambled
down, and all five were put inside a white police van.

By early afternoon, the foreigners were on a plane home.

Back in central Beijing, the Chinese police were still looking for accomplices.

Kurt Langer, a 34-year-old who works in the music industry in New
York, was the "witness" assigned to the CCTV protest. He had arrived
separately, evaded capture and was still talking to reporters.

But the next day, he said, he noticed four plainclothes police
officers following him everywhere. Worried he might compromise the
rest of the operation, he headed to the airport.

Chinese security caught up with him there and took him to an
abandoned hotel. He said they then interrogated him for 10 hours --
alternately turning up the air conditioning until he was shivering,
then the heat until he was sweating. He said they turned up the
volume of the TV until his ears hurt and then turned off every light
until it was pitch black.

The experience "drove home the point of why we were there," Langer
said. "The fact that they couldn't even stand to tolerate a foreigner
speaking openly in the press makes it even more poignant the lack of
Tibetan voices."

In the end, police made Langer sign a 12-page confession in Chinese
that he couldn't read, but he said he didn't tell the police a thing.

It wasn't because Langer didn't want to cooperate. It was because, by
design, he simply didn't know.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

China on wrong side of history

2008-08-23T19:01:50Z

EDITORIAL: History is the final judge
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Ak'Bar A. Shabazz
The Washington Times
August 23, 2008

"A wolf wrapped in monk's robes. A devil with a human face and a
beast's heart."

That's how Tibetan Communist Party Secretary General Zhang Qingli
recently described the Dalai Lama, Tibet's traditional political and
spiritual leader.

It almost makes me laugh. How can someone really believe this? As I
am very familiar with the work of the Dalai Lama through his books,
articles, interviews and speeches - and his Nobel Peace Prize - it
seemed natural for me to find humor in this Chinese puppet leader's
assessment of someone almost universally recognized for being peaceful.

The more I read, however, the more I realized the depth of Qingli's
seriousness. He further said he and his party was in a
"life-and-death" struggle against the Dalai Lama. Clearly, this man
is on the wrong side of history and doesn't yet realize it.

With the Summer Olympics in the Chinese capital of Beijing, talk of
the Dalai's quest for Tibetan autonomy from China is unavoidable.
Whether or not Tibet ever actually becomes autonomous, it's
relatively safe to say the Dalai Lama will be remembered among one of
the greatest men in history working for peaceful change.

When you take a contemporary look at Mohandas Gandhi, it's almost
absurd to justify the perspectives of those who opposed his movement
at the time. It's simple to see the simplicity of his requests and
the honor of his practices. Through non-violent means, violent
massacres ceased and India gained independence from British rule.

Fierce opposition to Gandhi ended with his death by an assassin's
bullet. There were plenty of British officials and Hindu radicals as
strongly opposed to Gandhi as Qingli apparently is to the Dalai Lama.
The majority of the time, those opposing the great leaders of world
peace, miss the messenger's entire message. These people are
unmistakably on the wrong side of history; perhaps all of them in
complete ignorance at the time of how they would be remembered.

On the 40th anniversary of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther
King, Jr., many reflected on his life, times and his message of
non-violence. Once again, history remembered a man who fought tyranny
and injustice in a peaceful manner. Dr. King endured beatings, water
hoses and enormous opposition to change not only our nation's laws,
but also our nation's attitudes about race and equality.

Many viewed Dr. King as a communist rabble-rouser who used his status
for simple notoriety. The FBI once labeled him as "the most dangerous
negro in America." Once again, looking back today, it is extremely
difficult to justify such a label. Dr. King's opponents utterly
missed the essence of his message, and there has been an obvious
reconsideration of their tactics against him.

It makes one wonder why people - such as the Chinese leadership today
with Tibet - do not recognize they are putting themselves alongside
the infamous opponents of the world's great movements. Clearly, the
Chinese are disregarding the Dalai Lama's principled message and
succumbing to short-sighted bullying that has done others a
disservice in the past.

In the end, who really wants to be remembered as the guy who killed
Gandhi or someone who turned the hoses on Dr. King rather than
marched alongside him? What will a person tell their grandchildren
about when they were apathetic to the causes of Nelson Mandela or
Lech Walesa? How can we, for that matter, justify allowing Zhang
Qingli and his Chinese cohorts to abuse and murder those seeking
autonomy for Tibet?

If we disregard the calls for freedom and democracy in places such as
Tibet, where are we placing ourselves as it relates to world history?
If we disregard the Chinese abuses upon the Tibetans for political
expediency, we risk going down in history as another apathetic
generation against a critical tide in human events.

To quote Dr. King, "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent
about things that matter."

Ak'Bar A. Shabazz is a member of the national advisory council for
the Project 21 black leadership network.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

FREEDOM IS NOT JUST ANOTHER WORD

2008-08-23T11:24:01Z

THIS IS JUST THE BEGINNING

Saturday, 23 August at 9 p.m

Light a Candle for Tibet at Your Home, With Friends or in Public.

On Saturday, 23 August, the night before the Olympic Games end in Beijing,
we will bring our light to the front of EVERY Chinese Embassy in the world.
Our light will say that we will not let Tibet be forgotten after the games end.
The Candle for Tibet initiative is a most wonderful thing, fitting in with the Tibetan tradition
of lighting votive lamps in long rows in temples and in special butter lamp houses outside.
We seem powerless to ameliorate conditions on the ground in the present crisis moment.
This peaceful prayer vigil, since it focuses the minds of many millions on the different
sufferings of tormented and tormentor alike, is a powerful way to intervene.
And it does not preclude anything else we can think of and do further on.
I hope everyone who reads this will join in this important effort.

--Robert Thurman, President, Tibet House US

http://www.candle4tibet.org/en/

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

iTunes blocked in China after protest

2008-08-21T17:10:12Z

iTunes blocked in China after protest
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By Stephen Hutcheon
The Sydney Mrning Herald (Australia)
August 20, 2008

Access to Apple's online iTunes Store has been blocked in China after
it emerged that Olympic athletes have been downloading and possibly
listening to a pro-Tibetan music album in a subtle act of protest
against China's rule over the province.

The album, called Songs for Tibet, was produced by an a group called
The Art of Peace Foundation, and features 20 tracks from well-known
singers and songwriters including Sting, Moby, Suzanne Vega and
Alanis Morissette.

It was released as a download on the iTunes Store on August 5 - three
days before the start of the Olympics - with the physical CD launched
on Tuesday this week.

The Foundation provided free downloads of the album to Olympic
athletes, urging them to play the songs on their iPods during the
Games as a show of support.

Funds raised from the sale of the album are being used by the
non-profit Foundation to support "peace-related projects that are
dear to the Dalai Lama", the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader whom
China regards as subversive.

On Monday, expatriate iTunes users living in China began experiencing
technical problems with their previously unfettered access.

That was the same day the US-based Campaign for Tibet organisation
claimed on its website that "over 40 Olympic athletes in North
America, Europe and even Beijing" had downloaded the album.

Apple's customer forums contain numerous examples where users have
complained about experiencing these technical problems.

Although some iTunes account-holders suggest that the problem is with
Apple, according to several forum posters and bloggers working in
China, the source of the technical hitch is being attributed to the
Great Firewall of China - the umbrella term given to China's system
of internet censorship.

A blogger calling herself JeninShanghai has reposted what she says is
a reply she received from Apple's customer support after reporting
that she had problems with her US iTunes Store account.

"iTunes is not being blocked in China from our end, but access to the
iTunes Store IS restricted in some areas in China. This would also
explain why it's happening to your friends there as well," the response reads.

"I would advise that you contact your ISP [internet service provider]
about this matter. Please also note though that accessing the US
iTunes Store outside of the geographic region of the United States is
not supported, and that attempting to access it while in China is at
your own risk."

The apparent blocking of the iTunes Store raises some thorny issues
for Apple which opened it's first bricks-and-mortar store in Beijing
on the eve of the Olympic Games.

"This is the first of many stores we will open in China," said Ron
Johnson, Apple's senior vice president of retail, in remarks at the
store opening in July.

The company, whose CEO and co-founder Steve Jobs is a practising
Buddhist, is also negotiating with Chinese mobile phone operators to
launch the highly successful iPhone.

iTunes Stores are locked to specific countries. In the case of the US
iTunes Store - the biggest music retailer in the country - only
holders of US-issued credit cards or US-issued iTunes gift
certificates can purchase music and videos.

Many US, European and Australian expatriates living in China access
their home-based iTunes Store accounts from China where they can
purchase and download music , videos and podcasts. However, because
of the block, that is no longer possible. The album is currently
available on the Australian iTunes Store.

According to a report published in the semi-official Chinese news
portal, china.org.cn, "angry netizens [internet users] are rallying
together to denounce Apple in offering Songs for Tibet for purchase.
They have also expressed a wish to ban the album's singers and
producers, most notably Sting, John Mayer and Dave Matthews, from
entering China."

The report, published in English, goes on to say that some netizens
are even calling for a boycott of Apple products, including the
iPhone when it is eventually released in China.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Protests continue in NYC

2008-08-21T17:04:20Z

Local protests rage as Olympics go on
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Patrick Arden
Metro New York
August 20, 2008

With the world's attention focused on the Olympic Games, protesters
converged on the Chinese Consulate this week to draw attention to
what they say is Beijing's renewed persecution of religious and ethnic groups.

Protesters march at the Chinese consulate on the Far West Side.
(Photo: aharon rothschild/metro)

A crackdown on Tibetan Buddhists followed the March riots that
embarrassed China just ahead of the Games, said Sonam Wangdue of the
Tibetan Youth Congress.

Every day since March 14, Tibetans have staged demonstrations at the
consulate, but officials have only reacted by snapping photos.

"More than 5,000 people are missing in Tibet," said Wangdue. "All the
young men were taken away before the Olympics, because China was
afraid to show its true colors." Monks were an easy target.

"This Olympics is shameful," Wangdue said. "The international
community knows what's going on, but it's surrendered to the money power."

On the other side of the street, Falun Gong practitioners gathered to
draw attention to yet another crackdown that they say has put 10,000
followers in labor camps and detention centers, most just weeks
before the Olympic Games. The Chinese Consulate did not return calls
for comment.

"On July 16, policemen broke into my parents' apartment and ransacked
their home," said Feather Zhang, a nurse who lives in Flushing. "They
kidnapped my parents because they are Falun Gong practitioners."

Zhang said police finally approached her brother after their mother
had a stroke. He then paid a 10,000 Yuan bribe to secure her release.
"But she was taken again on August 6," Zhang said. "I don't know
where my parents are now."

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Candles and Concert for Tibet! Cebu, Philippines

2008-08-21T07:14:58Z

'Friends for Tibet - Cebu' and 'Tibet Support - Pilipinas' recently sponsored a candel vigil at the Cebu
Chinese Consular office last 8/7/08. Will be staging another candle vigil this Aug 23rd at the
same Consular office as spearheaded by candle4tibet.org.
Concert for Tibet on the 8th/Aug was very successful in terms of spreading Tibet awareness.
Various local bands performed for the Tibetan cause and concert was free of charge. Also no
performer/musician/band were paid. Slides and videos about Tibet were shown in between
band sets and concert was initially covered by a local TV network.
'Seattle Friends of Tibet' was mentioned for it's support.
to see pictures goto; http://tsg-pilipinas.info
to view concert videos; http://www.youtube.com/user/serkolfriends

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

China detains US protesters

2008-08-20T20:11:34Z

China detains 6 US pro-Tibet activists in Beijing
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By DIKKY SINN
AP
August 13, 2008

BEIJING (AP) -- Police detained five American activists Tuesday after
they unfurled a "free Tibet" banner near a key Olympics venue in
Beijing, according to a pro-Tibet group.

An American graffiti artist, who planned to use laser beams to flash
the same message on buildings in the Chinese capital, was also
detained, according to a colleague and Students for a Free Tibet.

The five protesters were taken away by security shortly before
midnight for displaying the banner, which outlined "free Tibet" in
English and Chinese with tiny blue diodes, near the Beijing National
Stadium, the group said in a statement.

A spokesman in the news department of Beijing's Municipal Publicity
Security Bureau said he was not aware of the protest. He gave only
his surname, Li, as is common among officials in China because they
are not allowed to discuss sensitive issues with the media.

The group identified the activists as Amy Johnson, 33; Sam Corbin,
24; Liza Smith, 31; Jacob Blumenfeld, 26, and Lauren Valle, 21. Their
whereabouts were unknown, the group said.

Earlier in the day, James Powderly, co-founder of Graffiti Research
Lab in New York, was also detained as he prepared to use a handheld
green laser to project messages on prominent structures in Beijing.

Powderly's colleague, Nathan Dorjee, said in New York that he
received a text message from the artist which said he had been
detained around 3 a.m. by police.

"He was going to project a message that said, `Free Tibet,' and some
other messages that would have been three-stories high in different
locations in Beijing," Dorjee said.

Li declined to comment on Powderly's case.

The protests are only the latest instances in which foreign activists
were detained after seeking to use the Olympic Games to criticize
China for its rule in Tibet, alleging human rights abuses and
religious restrictions. Other foreign demonstrators, many of whom
also tried to hang "Free Tibet" banners in Beijing, have been quickly
picked up and deported.

"The Chinese leadership must realize that the only way it can make
the issue of Tibet disappear is to acknowledge the demands of the
Tibetan people and work with them to bring an end to China's
occupation of Tibet," said Tenzin Dorjee, Deputy Director of Students
for a Free Tibet in a statement.

China maintains that the Himalayan region has been part of its
territory for centuries, while many Tibetans insist they were an
independent nation before communist troops invaded in 1950.

Powderly is a well-known New York graffiti artist who projects laser
beam "tag" messages onto iconic skyscrapers and other notable
structures such as the Brooklyn Bridge. His messages are typically
political and often promote freedom of speech and expression.

His projects have been exhibited at the Museum of Modern Art in New
York and the Tate Modern museum in London.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

NYC Protests this weekend

2008-08-20T20:01:48Z

Weekend Schedule of Free Tibet Protests in NYC
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
US Tibet Committee
August 20, 2008

This coming weekend will be the closing ceremonies for the Olympics
in Beijing. We hope you can come out and join us and thousands of
Tibet supporters at one or more of these upcoming events in New York
City to protest China's human rights violations in Tibet:

8/22/08 7 pm at Union Square will be candlelight vigil for all
Tibetans killed by the Chinese crackdown on demonstrations in Tibet
since March.

8/23/08 9 am at the Chinese Consulate on 42nd Street & West Side
Highway. At 3 pm we will be forming a human chain from the Consulate
to the UN on the East Side. This chain will show our united support
for human rights in Tibet & our solidarity with the Tibetan people.

8/24/08 10 am will be a demonstration at Dag Hammersjkold Plaza at
the UN and we will march in the afternoon to the PRC Consulate.

For more information about these events please contact us at (212)
481-3569 or ustc@igc.org. To make a tax-deductible donation to USTC
please send a check to our address in the sidebar.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Olympic sponsors ignore human rights

2008-08-20T05:33:47Z

China: Olympic Sponsors Ignore Human Rights Abuses
-----------------------------------------------------------------------

For Immediate Release
China: Olympic Sponsors Ignore Human Rights Abuses
TOP Sponsors Should Back Introduction of a Permanent Olympic Rights Monitor
Human Rights Watch
August 19, 2008

New York, Aug 19-- The major corporate sponsors of the Beijing
Olympics have failed to uphold their own principles of corporate
social responsibility, Human Rights Watch said today. Sponsors have
failed to speak out -- either individually or collectively -- about
human rights abuses linked to the Beijing Games, and should be
prepared to support the establishment of a permanent body inside the
International Olympic Committee to monitor rights abuses at future Olympics.

The 12 TOP ("The Olympic Partner") sponsors of the Beijing Games are
Atos Origin, Coca-Cola, General Electric, Manulife, Johnson &
Johnson, Kodak, Lenovo, McDonald's, Omega (Swatch Group), Panasonic,
Samsung, and Visa. Over the last 12 months, Human Rights Watch
repeatedly contacted all TOP sponsors and met with five of these
companies, off the record. The other seven failed to respond to
repeated requests to meet with Human Rights Watch. In its meetings
and correspondence with the 12 TOP sponsors, Human Rights Watch
documented numerous human rights violations related to the Beijing
Games, including ongoing media censorship, the abuse of migrant
construction workers who built the Olympic venues, and the unlawful
forced evictions of hundreds of thousands of Chinese citizens from
their homes to make way for these venues. Yet the sponsors were
unwilling to address these abuses.

"The Olympic sponsors claim to be good corporate citizens," said
Sophie Richardson, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. "But
as they enjoy the Games from the comfort of their seats at the
Olympic stadium, they should reflect on their failure to speak up for
the Chinese citizens who built the stadium and their hotels, clean
their hotel rooms, serve their meals or, in the case of Chinese
journalists, try to bring them their news."

One corporate executive told Human Rights Watch, "It is not our
comfort zone to criticize countries." Another said: "That is the role
of human rights organizations. In this respect we are from Mars,
you're from Venus." (See appendix for examples of other statements by
corporate representatives.) Yet such statements contradict the
corporate social responsibility policies espoused in principle by
several TOP sponsors' websites. For example, the "GE Citizenship"
section of General Electric's website proclaims that, "GE seeks to
advance human rights by leading by example – through our interactions
with customers and suppliers, the products we offer and our
relationships with communities and governments." Increasingly,
General Electric's customers are Chinese citizens, who face systematic abuses.

The Olympic sponsors' silence on human rights abuses is more
pronounced given that they have collectively spent about US$866
million to gain status as TOP sponsors. Human Rights Watch has urged
the TOP Olympic sponsors to take six specific steps in line with
their commitment to corporate social responsibility:

· Publicly voice their support for the human rights dimensions of the
Olympic Charter, which seeks to promote the "respect for universal
fundamental ethical principles" and the "preservation of human dignity";

· Publicly certify that their operations in China do not entail labor
abuses or other rights violations;

· Request that the Chinese authorities fulfill their human rights
commitments made when the Games were awarded, in particular with
regard to media freedom;

· Urge the release of human rights activists such as Hu Jia,
co-author of an open letter titled "The Real China and the Olympics";

· Support an independent investigation of the March 2008 crackdown in
Tibet (a recommendation directed in particular toward Coca-Cola,
Lenovo and Samsung, sponsors of the Torch Relay, which passed through
Tibet); and,

· Press the IOC to establish a standing committee or mechanism to
address human rights abuses in future host countries, including
Russia, which will host the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympic Games.

Human Rights Watch said that there is no evidence that any of the
Olympic sponsors has followed up in any meaningful way on any of
these recommendations. This inaction contradicts the principles of
corporate social responsibility described in these companies' annual
reports and on their websites, as well as the standards of the
Business Leaders Initiative on Human Rights (BLIHR), a group to which
General Electric and Coca-Cola belong. General Electric is in an
especially prominent and influential position as a TOP Sponsor and
the parent company of NBC, which is the US broadcaster of the Games
and has paid most for Olympics-related coverage. Coca-Cola, one of
the sponsors of the torch relay, defended the passage of the torch in
Tibet despite the repression of protests there in March 2008 and the
continuing media clampdown in that region. Coca-Cola's chairman
Neville Isdell told the BBC on July 7, "I believe the Olympics are a
force for good and if they were not a force for good, we would not
sponsor them."

Yet, as Human Rights Watch and other groups have extensively
documented in the last 12 months, the Olympics cannot so far be
qualified as a "force for good" in China. The run-up to the Beijing
Games was marred by a worsening of human rights violations in China,
and, since the August 8 opening of the Games, the Chinese government
has intensified its crackdown on human rights defenders, has denied
access to protest zones, and has reneged on promised media and
internet freedom guarantees. In the run-up to the Olympics launch,
foreign correspondents were beaten, detained, and subjected to death
threats. Thousands of "undesirables" including beggars, petitioners,
and migrant workers were forcibly removed from the streets of
Beijing. More information on the deteriorating human rights climate
in China can be found here:
http://china.hrw.org/press/news_release/china_olympics_harm_key_human_rights.

"Being a good corporate sponsor of the Beijing Games has sadly not
meant being a good corporate citizen," said Richardson. "The
sponsors' silence has only emboldened the Chinese government and
allowed the IOC to ignore the human rights standards it claims to uphold."

To view excerpts from TOP Sponsors' corporate social responsibility
policies, and their statements on human rights as well as the
Olympics, please visit:

· http://china.hrw.org/corporate_sponsors

To read samples of the letters from Human Rights Watch received by
all TOP Sponsors, please visit:

· General Electric: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/09/19/china18533.htm

· NBC: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/01/07/china18534.htm

· McDonald's: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/04/14/china18535.htm

* * * * * * *
Quotes from Human Rights Watch's meetings with Olympic sponsors

Human Rights Watch held meetings with five of the 12 TOP sponsors.
The following quotes from corporate executives are given as
illustrative examples, with no attribution to respect
confidentiality, since several meetings were off-the-record.

One company's refusal to describe any discussions it may have had
with its Chinese interlocutors on human rights issues:

"What's said in Vegas, stays in Vegas."

Three companies (including one sponsor of the torch relay through
Lhasa) explaining their silence on the repression in Tibet:

"Do we want to be associated with a firestorm? No, we do not."

"In the context of the Olympics, Tibet is not relevant. None of the
Olympics takes place in Tibet. The Games are not in Tibet."

"It would not make sense for us to raise the issue of Tibet with our
Chinese interlocutors. The Chinese think that corporate sponsors do
not have a dog in this fight."

One company's "sole purpose":

"What we recognize is that as a legal entity we don't have the same
position as people. Our sole purpose as a company is to make money
for shareholders... To make money, we need to protect the brand. It's
a complex set of equations. What our prime purpose is not is to
advocate human rights."

One company's "comfort zone" regarding human rights:

"Our commitment to human rights is in our area of how we treat
employees. Our human rights policy does not address the policies of
foreign governments. It is not our comfort zone to criticize countries."

One company's refusal to be "global spokespersons for causes":

"We are not in business to be global spokespersons for causes. That
is the role of human rights organizations. In this respect we are
from Mars, you're from Venus."

One company's view of "appropriate roles and responsibilities":

"It would be inappropriate for us to take up human rights issues
around the Olympics. The question is about appropriate roles and
responsibilities."

One company's exclusion of "embarrassing" candidates from a sponsored
program related to the Beijing Games:

"We won't pick the relative of an imprisoned Chinese activist. You
are asking us to choose someone who would embarrass the Chinese
government. This would generate unwanted media coverage on an issue
which is not our direct concern."

For more of Human Rights Watch's work on China and the Beijing Olympics,
please visit: http://china.hrw.org

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

Athletes download "Song for Tibet"

2008-08-19T19:03:18Z

Over 40 Olympic athletes in Beijing download Tibet solidarity album
'Songs for Tibet'
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
China's official media reports that Chinese internet users denounce
top-selling Tibet album

Press Release
International Campaign for Tibet
August 18, 2008

Washington, DC -- The album 'Songs for Tibet: The Art of Peace,' a
top-selling rock download in the US, Canada, several European
countries and Japan - which reached #4 on the Billboard album
download charts in its first week of sales - has been downloaded by
more than 40 Olympic athletes competing at the Beijing Games. China's
official media published a provocative online article that reported
many "angry" Chinese 'netizens' are "denouncing" the project and that
some have called for a boycott on companies that make the pro-peace
album available for sale on the web, and a ban on those involved in
making the album from entering China. Over a hundred download sites
and on-line retailers sell the album worldwide. Twenty musicians
contributed tracks, including Sting, Dave Matthews, Alanis
Morissette, John Mayer and Moby.

Michael Wohl, Executive Director of the Art of Peace Foundation which
initiated the project, said today: "We are delighted that Olympics
athletes took the opportunity to download this unique album, which
conveys a message of hope and solidarity with the Tibetan people, as
well as a commitment to freedom of expression that cannot be suppressed."

Over 40 Olympic athletes in North America, Europe and even Beijing
contacted The Art of Peace Foundation by email and through the
Foundation's website. Athletes downloaded the album as an act of
solidarity with Tibet. International organizations including the
International Campaign for Tibet, Students for a Free Tibet, and Team
Darfur helped contact the athletes. Several of the athletes, who were
assured anonymity, thanked the Art of Peace Foundation. In one case,
an Olympian commended the Foundation's "efforts, music and passion for peace."

Following international media coverage of the album and its success,
an article about the album - which referred to "angry netizens" who
"are rallying together to denounce internet retailers that offer
'Songs for Tibet' for purchase" was published on two Chinese
websites, china.org.cn - the authorized government portal site to
China, managed by the Information Office of the State Council
(http://www.china.org.cn/china/national/2008-08/08/content_16161481.htm)
- and http://www.chinanews.com, a semi-official internet news portal
which operates under close scrutiny and control of the Communist
Party. This follows demonstrations by overseas Chinese against some
companies (such as the French supermarket chain Carrefour) and
broadcasters (CNN and the BBC) that have occurred since the
international community has criticized China for its crackdown in
Tibet, and in the buildup to the Olympics. The demonstrations and
outpouring of Chinese nationalism, particularly linked to protests
against Chinese government policies at the time of the Olympic torch
relay, have been fueled by misinformation and propaganda from the
Chinese authorities.

"The predictably hostile response to the album from Chinese internet
users and an official website at this time reflects continued
attempts to suppress any support for Tibet at a time of crisis for
the Tibetan people, as well as the level of entrenched misinformation
about Tibet propagated by the Beijing government among the Chinese
public," said Kate Saunders from the International Campaign for
Tibet, which is supporting the project.

The double album, 'Songs for Tibet' celebrates peace, the Dalai Lama
and Tibet. Twenty artists, including Sting, Alanis Morissette, Dave
Matthews, John Mayer and Moby contributed songs for the release.

Proceeds that the foundation receives will support initiatives for
promoting peace and Tibetan cultural preservation projects. Details
at http://www.artofpeacefoundation.org. The video for the album,
'Songs for Tibet - Freedom is Expression,' is available on YouTube.

Contact:
Kate Saunders, International Campaign for Tibet
Email: press@savetibet.org
Tel: +44 7947 138612

Michael Wohl, The Art of Peace Foundation
Email: mikew@artofpeacefoundation.org

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Polish Athlete Protests

2008-08-19T18:54:00Z

Polish Weightlifter Makes Tibet Protest in Beijing
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Tybetwatch.blox.pl (Poland)
August 19, 2008

The first and long-awaited Tibet-related protest of by Polish athlete
-- the weightlifter Szymon Ko?ecki -- in Beijing. In keeping with
earlier pledges, Mr Ko?ecki shaved his head in a gesture of
solidarity with the Tibetan monks.

Following this year's dramatic events in Tibet, Mr Ko?ecki said: 'I
am outraged by what's going on in Tibet. When I read about it, I can
hardly believe I'll compete in a country that bloodily suppresses
street protests and persecutes people who don't agree with the party.
I can't believe the Chinese have launched an immense operation to block Lhasa'.

'This month in Beijing is a chance for the world's biggest audience
to see how China persecutes the Tibetan people'.

'I am sure that informal groups will emerge of athletes willing to
manifest what they think. Until 17 August I'll be focused chiefly on
my participation in the contest. But after that I'll keep my eyes
wide open and if I see something worrying, I'll surely not look away'.

In his conversation with Gazeta, Mr Ko?ecki said that even before the
events in Tibet he wanted to demonstrate his support for the occupied
region in Beijing. He was one of the few Polish athletes who spoke so
firmly in favour of the Tibetans and against China's human rights violations.

On 20 March this year, Mr Ko?ecki said, 'Unless the Chinese regime
becomes more moderate, I'll compete with my head shaved in a gesture
of solidarity with the Tibetan monks'.

Yesterday he participated in the weightlifting competition, winning
silver, with his head shaved. He so commented on his appearance:
'It's a haircut from this morning. I can't really say why I decided
to wear it. It's connected with certain things that the Olympic
Charter forbids*. But I can say that it's symbolic'.

Head-shaving was one of the propositions of the Athlete Wanted
campaign carried out across the world by pro-Tibet organisations. In
Poland, the campaign was carried out by the Inna Przestrzen'
Foundation's Tibetan Programme, as part of which Polish athletes were
contacted directly as well as via the internet. More on the campaign
here: http://ratujtybet.org/Pekin_2008/ and here http://www.athletewanted.org/.

* Rule 51.3 of the Olympic Charter provides that 'no kind of
demonstration or political, religious or racial propaganda is
permitted in any Olympic sites, venues or other areas'.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Harsh Chinese Crackdown Coming in Xinjiang

2008-08-18T19:45:13Z

Harsh Chinese Crackdown Coming in Xinjiang
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Once the troublesome Olympic Games are out of the way, steel will
rain on China's rebellious regions
Willy Lam
Asia Sentinel
August 15, 2008

china-tankChinese Communist Party and military authorities are set to
launch an all-out, life-and-death struggle against underground,
"splittist" elements in Xinjiang, whose three attacks against
security personnel this month resulted in the death of 20 police and
officers of the People's Armed Police.

Diplomatic sources in the Chinese capital said the enhanced military
action would begin immediately after the Olympics end on the 24th,
when the world's attention will no longer be focused on China's human
rights record, including its shabby treatment of the Uighur
minorities in the Xinjiang Autonomous Region.

The political fortunes of President Hu Jintao's faction are at stake.
Since disturbances began to intensify in Tibet and Xinjiang early
this year, Hu cronies running western China, including the Xinjiang
Autonomous Region Party Secretary Wang Liqun and Tibet Party
Secretary Zhang Qingli, have come in for criticism by other CCP
factions for failing to do a good job in maintaining stability in the
two flashpoint regions.

In the Chinese tradition, cadres under fire for failing to maintain
law and order will normally opt for hawkish and draconian measures so
as to demonstrate their toughness as well as "political
resoluteness." Given that Wang's and Zhang's jobs are on the line,
they would seem to have ample reason to use whatever firepower they
could muster to obliterate bitter foes among the ethnic minorities.

The call to arms was issued August 13 by Politburo member and
Xinjiang region secretary Wang, Hu's protégé. In language that
recalls the excesses of the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), Wang said
in a meeting with local cadres and military officials that the CCP's
war against the "three evil forces" – or groups advocating terrorism,
separatism and religious extremism -- would be "a struggle unto
death" that will remain long-term, severe and convoluted."

Wang also hinted that there was no room for compromise or for a
non-military settlement of the differences between Beijing and these
"enemy forces." The Politburo stalwart told his comrades that
military and police forces must "seize the initiative in attacking,
hit them [the enemies] wherever they show up, and undertake
pre-emptive strikes" so as to deny the three evil forces
opportunities to re-group.

Recent party documents on the "next stage of struggle" against the
"three evil forces" have underscored the significance of a kind of
responsibility system for PLA, PAP and ordinary police officers. This
means that military and police officers must ensure that areas under
their jurisdiction be free of underground separatist or extremist
bases. And if trouble or quasi-terrorist activities occur in a
certain city, town or county, responsible cadres or officers are to
be fired or demoted immediately.

As Wang said Wednesday: "Every official must man his command post
well. Officials must have a high sense of responsibility toward
safeguarding areas [under their jurisdiction]."

Beijing sources knowledgeable about Beijing's policies toward ethnic
minorities -- especially Uighurs – say that President Hu has totally
abandoned the policy of flexibility and appeasement advocated by his
patron, former party chief Hu Yaobang, in the 1980s.

The sources have pinpointed two new thrusts in Beijing's
long-standing efforts to tame Xinjiang.

Firstly, more troops -- and hardware such as jet fighters -- are to
be moved to the Lanzhou Military Region (MR), which is responsible
for western provinces including Gansu, Ningxia and Xinjiang.
Reinforcements have come, for example, from divisions that were
originally responsible for guarding the border with Russia and for a
possible military confrontation with Taiwan.

With relations across the Strait having been stabilized in the wake
of the triumph of the Kuomintang at presidential polls last March,
several units from the Nanjing Military Region (which is responsible
for Taiwan) have been deployed in the Lanzhou MR for the time being.

Secondly, Xinjiang public security departments will revive the
surveillance and "spying" functions of neighborhood committees in
various cities in the autonomous regions. XAR authorities have
allocated additional funds to hire "part-time informants" that are
attached to neighborhood committees. These informants, who include
both Han Chinese and Uighurs, are tasked with telling police about
suspicious-looking people who have newly moved into the neighborhood.

At least as of now, President Hu is confident that iron-clad tactics
against Uighur "rebels" would not lead to serious international
repercussions. The US has in the past few years toned down criticism
of Beijing's XAR policy partly in return for China's help in
Washington's global anti-terrorism gambit. And President George W
Bush's appearance at the opening ceremony of the Games has convinced
Beijing that whatever it does in Xinjiang or Tibet will not lead to a
deterioration of Sino-U.S. ties.

Moreover, even if the PLA and PAP were to play hardball with
"underground gangs" in the XAR, such actions would pale beside the
recent incursion of Russian groups into Georgia. The Western world's
lukewarm response to the Georgian crisis reinforces the CCP
leadership's belief that it can get away with even the most
repressive policies in Tibet and Xinjiang.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Song compares Beijing Olympics to Nazi Olympics

2008-08-18T19:39:09Z

Song Compares Beijing Olympics to Nazi Olympics
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By Katy Mantyk and Evan Mantyk
Epoch Times
August 17, 2008

NEW YORK -- As criticism of China's underhanded tactics and failed
promises mounts during the Beijing Olympics, a song comparing the
Beijing Olympics to the 1936 Olympics in Nazi Germany was released on
Friday. The song "Feels Like 1936 Again," sung by the Tracey
Chapman-like voice of Courtney Dowe and produced by David Bowie
drummer Sterling Campbell is a haunting and heart-stirring anthem of
conscience for the modern world.

The song poignantly asks: "Can you hold an international track meet,
when you got a labor camp right down the street? Can you sponsor the
Olympics in 08, when you still imprison people for their faith?"

China's Communist regime has used the 2008 Summer Olympics, which run
through Aug. 24, as their coming out party—a chance to establish
themselves as the next great superpower. By spending over $20
billion, they have spared no expense to make sure that the Olympics
display only their strengths. What the regime isn't letting the world
see is their horrendous human rights abuses and freedom squashing
that continue to afflict the more than 1 billion people inside China today.

"The people of the world must tell the [Chinese Communist regime] in
no uncertain terms that not only do we strongly disagree, we will not
give consent to these atrocities by remaining silent as they happen,"
said Dowe, a Falun Gong practitioner. The peaceful spiritual practice
has been banned in China and severely persecuted there since 1999.

When China got the Olympics bid in 2001, the Communist regime
promised to improve human rights in China, but international human
rights organization have agreed that the promise not only hasn't been
kept, but that preparation for the Games has prompted even worse
abuse in China.

"In the run-up to the Olympics, the Chinese authorities have locked
up, put under house arrest and forcibly removed individuals they
believe may threaten the image of 'stability' and 'harmony' they want
to present to the world," according to Amnesty International.

"Feels Like 1936 Again" notes that the situation is surprisingly
familiar to the 1936 Berlin Olympics, which were used by Adolf Hitler
to justify his Nazi regime. In 1936, Germany emerged as the winner in
the medal count with the United States second, while today China is
neck and neck with the United States in the medal count.

And so history repeats itself the song notes: "The Olympic Spirit
hangs its head in shame, when police states are allowed to host the
games. Like Germany when Hitler reigned supreme, seeking glory for
his murderous regime."

A Dark Subject

The horrors of imprisonment, torture, and murder in a modern
communist state are not easy to digest in a pop song, but that's
exactly what Dowe and Campbell set out to do.

Campbell decided to take the original folk song written by Randall
Efner in a more mainstream direction, giving it a wider appeal, and
more chance to get noticed.

"Just on my part, I had to create an atmosphere, you've got to draw
people into it. It's hard these days, cause people listen to the beat
first. It was originally a folk song, so people might not pay
attention to it," said Campbell, who has worked with Cyndi Lauper,
the B52s, and Duran Duran.

"I also worked with Courtney a lot on the lyrics and how to express
it, what should be strong. The instrumentation I just wanted to keep
simple and sparse. A guitar strum, organ, drums. It's got that mood
to it—more melancholy," he said.

The beautifully deep and rich vocals of Dowe drift over a solemn and
organic organ, while, the accompanying youtube music video takes
viewers on a journey from Berlin to Beijing, juxtaposing Nazi
soldiers in the 1930s to modern day Chinese Communist solders.

Dowe said she was inspired by Efner's lyrics.

"It's what you'd call 'urban folk.' I really have a respect for
artists like Bob Dylan" and I would definitely put Randall Efner in
that category, that level of song writing and conviction, he doesn't
back down from the subject at hand. I am honored that he allowed me
to record his song," said Dowe, who is currently working on her debut
album with Blackout Studios in Baltimore.

The single and video can be found at http://www.1936again.com.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Virtual Protests

2008-08-18T19:37:20Z

18,000 Virtual Protesters go live in Beijing
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By Caden Pearson
Epoch Times
August 17, 2008

The three official Beijing protest zones may be empty, but internet
savvy activists are finding a way around security by joining a virtual protest.

As of Sunday August 17, over 18,100 people have demonstrated online
against lack of freedom of expression in China.

Advocator of free press, Reporters Without Borders (RFS), instigated
an online virtual demonstration outside Beijing's Olympic Stadium
ahead of the Games' opening ceremony to protest the Chinese Communist
Party's (CCP) suppression of freedom of speech and call for the
release of political prisoners.

Each virtual demonstrator can pick from among five placards with
slogans reading, "I boycott the Olympics opening ceremony!" "Yes to
sport, no to repression," "No Olympic Games without freedom,"
"Olympic ideals betrayed, IOC accomplice," and "Free Olympic prisoners!"

After joining the unusual picket line in front of the Birds Nest, you
get a placard assigned with a slogan and also see who else is
demonstrating. Many Chinese have joined the protest, as they find a
new way of online expression.

RFS and the virtual protesters are calling for the release of all
Olympic prisoners. One such person is human rights attorney Gao
Zhisheng. He is renowned for standing up for the likes of the poor,
AIDS victims of bad blood, petitioners and Falun Gong. He was taken
by Public Security Bureau police in November last year.

A source close to Gao's family revealed in early August that the
attorney spent two months suffering severe torture, including being
beaten and having Chinese guards urinating on him. Mr Gao has been
removed from Beijing for the duration of the Olympics.

Another dissident is Hu Jia, again a Chinese human rights attorney,
was last year imprisoned for 3.5 years, for "subversion" of the
States power -- the blanket charge used to jail dissidents. The day
after the Olympics opening ceremony his wife, Zeng Jinyan, went
missing and friends suspect that she has been detained by police.

The Olympic motto is Citius, Altius, Fortius, which is Latin for
"Faster, Higher, Stronger." The Olympic charter also promotes peace
and harmony, which remain illusive in China.

Besides spearheading the virtual protest, RFS has made a number of
public appearances in Beijing since the Games started, one involving
a banner being unfurled on the state television building.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

"Protest Zones" -- Malcontents Need Not Apply

2008-08-18T19:35:16Z

"Protest Zones" -- Malcontents Need Not Apply
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By Nicholas D. Kristof
The New York Times
August 17, 2008

BEIJING -- To put a smiley face on its image during the Olympics, the
Chinese government set aside three "protest zones" in Beijing.
Officials explained that so long as protesters obtained approval in
advance, demonstrations would be allowed.

So I decided to test the system.

Following government instructions, I showed up at an office of the
Beijing Public Security Bureau, found Window 12 and declared to the
officer, "I'm here to apply to hold a protest."

What I didn't realize is that Public Security has arrested at least a
half-dozen people who have shown up to apply for protest permits.
Public Security is pretty shrewd. In the old days it had to go out
and catch protesters in the act. Now it saves itself the bother:
would-be protesters show up at Public Security offices to apply for
permits and are promptly detained. That's cost-effective law
enforcement for you.

Fortunately, the official at Window 12 didn't peg me as a
counterrevolutionary. He looked at me worriedly and asked for my
passport and other ID papers. Discovering that I was a journalist, he
asked hopefully, "Wouldn't you rather conduct an interview about
demonstrations?"

"No. I want to apply to hold one."

His brow furrowed. "What do you want to protest?"

"I want to demonstrate in favor of preserving Beijing's historic
architecture." It was the least controversial, most insipid topic I
could concoct.

"Do you think the government is not doing a good job at this?" he
asked sternly.

"There may be room for improvement," I said delicately.

The official frowned and summoned two senior colleagues who, after a
series of frantic phone calls, led me into the heart of the police
building. I was accompanied by a Times videographer, and he and a
police videographer busily videoed each other. Then the police
explained that under the rules they could video us but we couldn't video them.

The Public Security Bureau (a fancy name for a police station) gleams
like much of the rest of Beijing. It is a lovely, spacious building,
and the waiting room we were taken to was beautifully furnished; no
folding metal chairs here. It's a fine metaphor for China's legal
system: The hardware is impeccable, but the software is primitive.

After an hour of waiting, interrupted by periodic frowning
examinations of our press credentials, we were ushered into an
elegant conference room. I was solemnly directed to a chair marked "applicant."

Three police officers sat across from me, and the police videographer
continued to film us from every angle. The officers were all cordial
and professional, although one seemed to be daydreaming about pulling
out my fingernails.

Then they spent nearly an hour going over the myriad rules for
demonstrations. These were detailed and complex, and, most daunting,
I would have to submit a list of every single person attending my
demonstration. The list had to include names and identity document numbers.

In addition, any Chinese on a name list would have to go first to the
Public Security Bureau in person to be interviewed (arrested?).

"If I go through all this, then will my application at least be
granted?" I asked.

"How can we tell?" a policeman responded. "That would prejudge the process."

"Well, has any application ever been granted?" I asked.

"We can't answer that, for that matter has no connection to this case."

The policemen did say that if they approved, they would give me a
"Demonstration Permission Document." Without that, my demonstration
would be illegal.

I surrendered. The rules were so monstrously bureaucratic that I
couldn't even apply for a demonstration. My Olympic dreams were
dashed. The police asked me to sign their note-taker's account of the
meeting, and we politely said our goodbyes.

Yet even though the process is a charade, it still represents
progress in China, in that the law implicitly acknowledges the
legitimacy of protest. Moreover, a trickle of Chinese have applied to
hold protests, even though they know that they are more likely to end
up in jail than in a "protest zone." Fear of the government is ebbing.

My hunch is that in the coming months, perhaps after the Olympics, we

will see some approvals granted. China is changing: it is no
democracy, but it's also no longer a totalitarian state.

China today reminds me of Taiwan in the mid-1980s as a rising middle
class demanded more freedom. Almost every country around China, from
Mongolia to Indonesia, Thailand to South Korea, has become more open
and less repressive — not because of the government's kindness but
because of the people's insistence.

I feel that same process happening here, albeit agonizingly slowly.
Someday China's software will catch up with its hardware.

I invite you to comment on this column on my blog,
http://kristof.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/08/17/your-comments-on-my-china-column/#comments
and join me on Facebook at www.facebook.com/kristof.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

YouTube Stands up to Olympics

2008-08-18T03:49:08Z

YouTube stands up to IOC over Free Tibet video
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By Ian Lamont
Slashdot
August 16, 2008

The International Olympic Committee has withdrawn a DCMA takedown
notice that targeted a two-minute long YouTube video of a Students
for a Free Tibet protest at the Chinese consulate in New York. The
video shows protesters gathering outside the building at night and
projecting images of the Olympic symbol, 'tank man,' Tibetan riot
footage and clips of victims of the Chinese police crackdown in
Tibet. After receiving the request, YouTube contacted the IOC and
asked if it really planned to pursue a claim. The IOC retracted the
notice and the video was reposted within hours. Stanford Law School's
Center for Internet and Society praised YouTube for 'going out of its
way to do more than it's required to do under the law to protect free
expression.'

* * * * *
Also read:
Video: IOC backs off DMCA take-down for Tibet protest
Cyndy Aleo-Carreira
August 14, 2008

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) has backed away from a DMCA
take-down request to remove a YouTube video of a Tibetan protest at
the Chinese consulate in New York.

The video in question (see below) was clearly not an example of
copyright infringement. YouTube and the Electronic Frontier
Foundation (EFF) both pushed back against the IOC, which then
withdrew their complaint. As the EFF notes, however, the inaccurate
title of the video was "Beijing Olympics Opening Ceremony," so in all
likelihood, the IOC was filing DMCA notices for Olympics content,
which has been springing up on YouTube faster than they can take it down.

Anthony Falzone, Executive Director of the Fair Use Project, was
impressed that YouTube went beyond the call of duty in pushing back
at the IOC. With the sheer volume of DMCA requests that YouTube must
be fielding with the Olympics, taking the time to double-check the
content is certainly impressive. At the same time, however, it
highlights how much work YouTube has to do in terms of policing
copyrighted content. The number of legal notices they have to respond
to consume time and resources that might be put to better use.

Click here to watch the video
http://in.youtube.com/watch?v=j60x3C43Qao

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

China Scuttles Promises of Free Press

2008-08-18T03:43:26Z

Censors make news in public relations battle
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Jacquelin Magnay in Beijing
The Sydney Morning Herald (Australia)
August 14, 2008

CHINA may be losing the public relations battle to control the
international media at the Beijing Games, but within its borders the
extensive controls on the local media have been exposed starkly.

A stunningly frank 21-point plan from the propaganda bureau was
issued to editors and journalists and orders them to ignore hot
international topics and any issues that may reflect negatively on
the Olympic Games.

Banned are Tibet, Falun Gong, food safety issues, the three official
protest parks and emergencies inside Olympic venues.

The blacklist comes as Chinese security forces assaulted and detained
a British journalist yesterday as he was filming a pro-Tibetan rally
several hundred metres from the Bird's Nest stadium.

Independent Television News China correspondent John Ray was dragged
along the ground, his hands stamped on and his shoes removed before
being detained for a short period after witnessing a pro-Tibetan
rally at the Chinese Ethnic Culture Park by Students for a Free
Tibet. Six of the students were arrested as they waved Free Tibet banners.

But news of the protest has been blacked out from the mainland
Chinese press, as has news of the faked opening ceremony song, the
Olympic connections of the murdered American tourist and the actress
paralysed in rehearsals for the opening ceremony.

The mainland Chinese journalists have been instructed to use the
official Xinhua news agency for stories about diplomatic ties between
China and other nations, including Australia.

"Over the diplomatic ties between China and some certain nations,
don't do interviews on your own and don't use online stories," the
instructions state.

"Instead, adopt Xinhua stories only. Particularly on the Doha round
negotiation, US elections, China-Iran co-operation, China-Aussie
co-operation, China-Zimbabwe co-operation, China-Paraguay co-operation."

The journalists have been told that in the event of an emergency
involving foreign tourists they must follow the official line.

But "if there's no official line, stay away from it. Over possible
subway accidents in the capital, please follow the official line. Be
positive on security measures. There's also no need to make a fuss
about our anti-terror efforts," the report says.

The eighth point states: "All food safety issues, such as
cancer-causing mineral water, is off the limits."

The 21-point plan was reported in the South China Morning Post, but
its existence was denied by the Games organisers.

"There is no such 21-point document," the Beijing Olympic Committee
vice president, Wang Wei, said yesterday.

"Chinese media, according to the Chinese constitution, are free to
report on the Games."

But yesterday all news reports of the faked opening ceremony song
involving the little girl in a red dress were blacked out within
China yesterday as Olympic officials staunchly defended the
duplicitous act as an artistic decision.

"I didn't see anything wrong with it," Mr Wang said.

"This was a decision of the directors to achieve the most theatrical effect."

But the IOC's executive director of games, Gilbert Felli, said: "I
think it is clear that the right information has to be given to the people."

Olympic officials had previously said an actress suffered only a
broken leg during a heavy fall from a high stage during the Silk Road
segment, denying reporters' questions that she was paralysed.
However, the Yangtze Evening News yesterday posted details and
photographs of Beijing Dance Academy dancer Liu Yan, saying she has
lost all feeling in her legs after falling from a flying blanket to a
moving platform at rehearsals on July 27.

The paper quotes opening ceremony director Zhang Zimou saying:
"You're the deepest pain in my heart, if I could see you stand on
your feet again, it would make me much more excited and happier than
any praise I've received."

The IOC and China's ministry of industry and information technology,
which is in charge of the internet in China, have both declined to
comment on the press restrictions.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

China's Olympic grip slips

2008-08-18T03:39:44Z

China's iron Olympic grip starts to slip
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Internet critics, made bold by their uncensored criticism of the
Games' opening ceremony, are seeking new targets
Michael Sheridan, Beijing
The Sunday Times (UK)
August 17, 2008

The mystery of the half-filled stands at many events at the 2008
Olympic Games has been solved, according to Chinese internet users,
who say it is the result of a policy to prevent the gathering of
large and possibly uncontrollable crowds.

They claim ticket sales to the public were secretly restricted.
Blocks of tickets went to government departments, Communist party
officials or state-owned companies, which have quietly obeyed orders
not to hand them out. "People are so angry because they slept all
night outside ticket booths and got nothing and now they see this,"
said one blogger, Jian Yu.

Official explanations eroded swiftly because internet insurgents have
rapidly identified cracks in the perfect facade constructed for the Olympics.

In the nine days since Chinese leaders presided over a grandiose -
and, it turns out, partly faked - opening ceremony, one fact after
another has eluded the censors and fuelled public indignation at the
costs and the charade. Protected, they hope, by online anonymity,
some of China's 1.3 billion people are daring to wonder where it will all end.

At some football matches in the northern city of Shenyang, only a
third of the seats were taken. Even some gymnastics finals, usually
one of the biggest attractions on the programme, were not sold out.

Nobody seems to have explained it to the International Olympic
Committee, which is baffled by the empty seats, or to the sponsors,
who are disappointed.

The policy meant that some British supporters have been deprived of
the excitement of seeing the Games. Even parents of competitors, such
as those of Rebecca Adlington, the gold medal-winning swimmer, have
complained about being unable to get seats.

Jeff Hunter, group operations director for Sportsworld, the official
travel and ticket agent for the British Olympic Association, said:
"It is surprising that not all the venues have been as full as they
could have been."

Lower-ranking Chinese officials hastily bused in paid "volunteers" to
populate the stands in Beijing, appreciating the embarrassment caused
by leaving them half-empty, but public relations remain a matter of
indifference to most guardians of public order.

Security has been heavy-handed from the start. As the film director
Zhang Yimou's extravaganza kicked off with a boom, I watched on a
giant screen in a park, one of the few venues where ordinary Chinese
people were allowed to gather.

They cheered as the fireworks exploded, few looking up to find that
there were, in fact, none to be seen because the sequence was
produced by software, not gunpowder.

They cooed at nine-year-old Lin Miaoke, hardly caring that her lyrics
were obviously mimed, and as she sang they went into a patriotic
delirium when goose-stepping soldiers raised the national flag. Yet
even these loyal citizens could not be trusted. We were surrounded by
dozens of police who locked the gates to keep us in and others out.

Chao Chanqing, an exiled journalist widely read on web-sites
accessible in China, has accused Zhang, the director, of playing the
same role as Leni Riefenstahl, who filmed an epic documentary for
Hitler at the Berlin Olympics of 1936.

The director scorns the comparison but he admitted that a Chinese
leader ordered him to make changes to the ceremony. "I had no chance
to reject his opinion," he told the Nanfang Weekend newspaper.
Analysts said he was referring to vice-president Xi Jinping, heir
apparent to the top job.

Government officials swept thousands of migrant workers out of
Beijing -- the very people who built the stadium, at least 10 of them
paying with their lives. Police arrested hundreds of provincial
petitioners who sought justice in the capital and sent at least 58 to
labour camps for "reeducation".

The sick were told that routine surgery was cancelled in every
hospital and officials shut some psychiatric patients inside their wards.

Even as the nation is supposed to be keeping a keen tally of the gold
medal count, dissenters are daring to raise the issue of how much the
Games have cost the people of China.

For all its export might, China is still a poor, largely agrarian
country with perhaps 700m farmers and 150m migrant workers. The size
of its economy is huge but, measured by wealth per head, it ranks
109th in the world, comparable with Swaziland or Morocco.

It faces an acute crisis as its people live longer but fewer are
born; the old lack pensions and healthcare must be paid for. Half the
population does not have clean drinking water and 16 cities are among
the most polluted on earth.

So why, asked the mainland Chinese writers in a Hong Kong magazine
named Kaifeng (Open), did China blow more than £20 billion on the Games?

They calculate that the total costs may exceed £30 billion, more than
the Chinese government will spend this year on education or public
health or relief for the Sichuan earthquake. These are questions that
would make any ruler nervous.

Chinese leaders prided themselves on the splendid reception for
dignitaries and 10,500 athletes. They rejected criticism of their
policies on Darfur, Burma and Zimbabwe, brushing aside foreign
demonstrators complaining about Tibet.

However, they remain worried about political undercurrents among
their people. These can be unexpected. Despite pervasive internet
control, censors could not stop nationalist criticism about the
diplomatic price China has paid for mounting the Games.

Exhibit one for the ultra-patriots was a border treaty signed on July
21 between China and Russia to settle disputes over their Siberian
territories that led to armed clashes during the cold war. Official
accounts of the treaty emphasised the return to China of 1½ islands
in the icy Amur River that divides the two nations.

Online critics were enraged because the foreign ministry appeared to
have recognised the 19th-century conquest of thousands of square
miles of land by Tsarist Russia. "These lands belong to all the
people of China," a blogger called "Tiger" wrote. It was only on the
day the treaty was signed that the attendance of Vladimir Putin at
the opening ceremony of the Games was confirmed.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

police Olympics

2008-08-09T19:55:31Z

China Unveils Frightening Futuristic Police State at Olympics
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By Naomi Klein
The Huffington Post
August 8, 2008

So far, the Olympics have been an open invitation to China-bash, a
bottomless excuse for Western journalists to go after the Commies on
everything from internet censorship to Darfur. Through all the nasty
news stories, however, the Chinese government has seemed amazingly
unperturbed. That's because it is betting on this: when the opening
ceremonies begin friday, you will instantly forget all that
unpleasantness as your brain is zapped by the
cultural/athletic/political extravaganza that is the Beijing Olympics.

Like it or not, you are about to be awed by China's sheer awesomeness.

The games have been billed as China's "coming out party" to the
world. They are far more significant than that. These Olympics are
the coming out party for a disturbingly efficient way of organizing
society, one that China has perfected over the past three decades,
and is finally ready to show off. It is a potent hybrid of the most
powerful political tools of authoritarianism communism -- central
planning, merciless repression, constant surveillance -- harnessed to
advance the goals of global capitalism. Some call it "authoritarian
capitalism," others "market Stalinism," personally I prefer "McCommunism."

The Beijing Olympics are themselves the perfect expression of this
hybrid system. Through extraordinary feats of authoritarian
governing, the Chinese state has built stunning new stadiums,
highways and railways -- all in record time. It has razed whole
neighborhoods, lined the streets with trees and flowers and, thanks
to an "anti-spitting" campaign, cleaned the sidewalks of saliva. The
Communist Party of China even tried to turn the muddy skies blue by
ordering heavy industry to cease production for a month -- a sort of
government-mandated general strike.

As for those Chinese citizens who might go off-message during the
games -- Tibetan activists, human right campaigners, malcontent
bloggers -- hundreds have been thrown in jail in recent months.
Anyone still harboring protest plans will no doubt be caught on one
of Beijing's 300,000 surveillance cameras and promptly nabbed by a
security officer; there are reportedly 100,000 of them on Olympics duty.

The goal of all this central planning and spying is not to celebrate
the glories of Communism, regardless of what China's governing party
calls itself. It is to create the ultimate consumer cocoon for Visa
cards, Adidas sneakers, China Mobile cell phones, McDonald's happy
meals, Tsingtao beer, and UPS delivery -- to name just a few of the
official Olympic sponsors. But the hottest new market of all is the
surveillance itself. Unlike the police states of Eastern Europe and
the Soviet Union, China has built a Police State 2.0, an entirely
for-profit affair that is the latest frontier for the global Disaster
Capitalism Complex.

Chinese corporations financed by U.S. hedge funds, as well as some of
American's most powerful corporations -- Cisco, General Electric,
Honeywell, Google -- have been working hand in glove with the Chinese
government to make this moment possible: networking the closed
circuit cameras that peer from every other lamp pole, building the
"Great Firewall" that allows for remote internet monitoring, and
designing those self-censoring search engines.

By next year, the Chinese internal security market is set to be worth
$33-billion. Several of the larger Chinese players in the field have
recently taken their stocks public on U.S. exchanges, hoping to cash
in the fact that, in volatile times, security and defense stocks are
seen as the safe bets. China Information Security Technology, for
instance, is now listed on the NASDAQ and China Security and
Surveillance is on the NYSE. A small clique of U.S. hedge funds has
been floating these ventures, investing more than $150-million in the
past two years. The returns have been striking. Between October 2006
and October 2007, China Security and Surveillance's stock went up 306 percent.

Much of the Chinese government's lavish spending on cameras and other
surveillance gear has taken place under the banner of "Olympic
Security." But how much is really needed to secure a sporting event?
The price tag has been put at a staggering $12-billion -- to put that
in perspective, Salt Lake City, which hosted the Winter Olympics just
five months after September 11, spent $315 million to secure the
games. Athens spent around $1.5-billion in 2004. Many human rights
groups have pointed out that China's security upgrade is reaching far
beyond Beijing: there are now 660 designated "safe cities" across the
country, municipalities that have been singled out to receive new
surveillance cameras and other spy gear. And of course all the
equipment purchased in the name of Olympics safety -- iris scanners,
"anti-riot robots" and facial recognition software -- will stay in
China after the games are long gone, free to be directed at striking
workers and rural protestors.

What the Olympics have provided for Western firms is a palatable
cover story for this chilling venture. Ever since the 1989 Tiananmen
Square Massacre, U.S. companies have been barred from selling police
equipment and technology to China, since lawmakers feared it would be
directed, once again, at peaceful demonstrators. That law has been
completely disregarded in the lead up to the Olympics, when, in the
name of safety for athletes and VIPs (including George W. Bush), no
new toy has been denied the Chinese state.

There is a bitter irony here. When Beijing was awarded the games
seven years ago, the theory was that international scrutiny would
force China's government to grant more rights and freedom to its
people. Instead, the Olympics have opened up a backdoor for the
regime to massively upgrade its systems of population control and
repression. And remember when Western companies used to claim that by
doing business in China, they were actually spreading freedom and
democracy? We are now seeing the reverse: investment in surveillance
and censorship gear is helping Beijing to actively repress a new
generation of activists before it has the chance to network into a
mass movement.

The numbers on this trend are frightening. In April 2007, officials
from 13 provinces held a meeting to report back on how their new
security measures were performing. In the province of Jiangsu, which,
according to the South China Morning Post, was using "artificial
intelligence to extend and improve the existing monitoring system"
the number of protests and riots "dropped by 44 per cent last year."
In the province of Zhejiang, where new electronic surveillance
systems had been installed, they were down 30 per cent. In Shaanxi,
"mass incidents" -- code for protests -- were down by 27 per cent in
a year. Dong Lei, the province's deputy party chief, gave part of the
credit to a huge investment in security cameras across the province.
"We aim to achieve all day and all-weather monitoring capability," he
told the gathering.

Activists in China now find themselves under intense pressure, unable
to function even at the limited levels they were able to a year ago.
Internet cafes are filled with surveillance cameras, and surfing is
carefully watched. At the offices of a labor rights group in Hong
Kong, I met the well-known Chinese dissident Jun Tao. He had just
fled the mainland in the face of persistent police harassment. After
decades of fighting for democracy and human rights, he said the new
surveillance technologies had made it "impossible to continue to
function in China."

It's easy to see the dangers of a high tech surveillance state in far
off China, since the consequences for people like Jun are so severe.
It's harder to see the dangers when these same technologies creep
into every day life closer to home-networked cameras on U.S. city
streets, "fast lane" biometric cards at airports, dragnet
surveillance of email and phone calls. But for the global homeland
security sector, China is more than a market; it is also a showroom.
In Beijing, where state power is absolute and civil liberties
non-existent, American-made surveillance technologies can be taken to
absolute limits.

The first test begins today: Can China, despite the enormous unrest
boiling under the surface, put on a "harmonious" Olympics? If the
answer is yes, like so much else that is made in China, Police State
2.0 will be ready for export.

Naomi Klein's latest book is The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster
Capitalism.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Worldwide Protests

2008-08-08T21:43:42Z

Thousands in anti-China protests as Olympic epic opens
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Agence France-Presse
August 8, 2008

LONDON -- Thousands of people in Asia and Europe took part in human
rights protests Friday as China launched the Beijing Olympics with a
dazzling, three-hour opening ceremony.

Demonstrators took to the streets of cities including London,
Brussels, Berlin, Kathmandu, Bangkok and Hong Kong on issues ranging
from the crackdown in Tibet to Beijing's support for the military
junta in Myanmar.

China has painted the Games as a celebration of three decades of
economic reforms and hopes it will showcase a rapidly modernizing country.

But activists across the world are using them to pressure Beijing
over its rule of Tibet and heavily Muslim Xinjiang province, the
arrests of dissidents, censorship and concerns about Chinese foreign policy.

At least 1,000 Tibetans including scores of monks and nuns were
arrested during a protest against Beijing's rule of the Himalayan region.

Demonstrators shouted "Shame shame, Hu Jintao," referring to the
Chinese president, and "Tibet belongs to Tibetans" before being taken
away by police.

"We want to give the millions of people who will watch the opening as
well as the hundreds of athletes taking part the message that there
are no human rights in Tibet," Tibetan student Tashi Tsering, 20,
told AFP in Kathmandu.

In Ankara a protestor tried to set himself alight outside China's
embassy as some 300 Chinese Muslim refugees rallied to denounce human
rights violations in their home region of Xinjiang.

The man in his 30s burned his face and hands before police intervened
and extinguished the flames.

Earlier in the day, Reporters Without Borders hacked into Chinese
airwaves to broadcast a 20-minute program in Chinese, English and
French at 8:08 am (0008 GMT) -- exactly 12 hours before the opening
ceremony in Beijing.

The French-based media rights group said it was the first of its kind
in China since the communists seized power in 1949.

In London, around 300 protestors gathered opposite the Chinese
embassy, many of them Tibetan exiles wearing red headbands bearing
one word: "Killed".

And in Brussels, around 200 Tibetan protesters, some chained together
or wearing 'bloody' bandages, protested near the headquarters of
European Union institutions.

"The blood continues to flow in Tibet," said organizer Nyima
Chushisu, as she put bandages on a fellow demonstrator.

Dozens of Reporters Without Borders campaigners gathered outside the
Chinese embassy in Berlin brandishing placards saying China was a
"prison" for journalists.

More than 60 protesters rallied outside Myanmar's embassy in the Thai
capital Bangkok to demand that China end its support for the ruling
junta in Yangon.

US President George W. Bush, in Beijing for the opening ceremony,
hailed the growing relationship between the United States and China,
even as he urged Beijing to accept greater freedom of expression and religion.

"I strongly believe societies that allow the free expression of ideas
tend to be the most prosperous and the most peaceful," Bush told
reporters at the official opening of the new US embassy in the Chinese capital.

"I will continue to be candid about our mutual global responsibilities."

French President Nicolas Sarkozy for his part told French television
he discussed human rights with Chinese leaders in Beijing and handed
them lists of jailed dissidents.

But in Paris RSF said police were keeping protestors away from the
Chinese embassy even though the group won a court order overturning a
police ban on demonstrations outside the building.

In Hong Kong, a British man was arrested after climbing on to the
city's largest bridge and unfurling two protest banners that read:
"The People of China want freedom from oppression" and "We want human
rights and democracy."

Matt Pearce climbed up the Tsing Yi Bridge wearing a horse costume --
a nod to the Olympic equestrian events being held in Hong Kong -- and
carrying a guitar, an Agence France-Presse photographer saw.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Chicago Protest

2008-08-08T21:40:58Z

Mass Protest in Chicago at China's Consulate on August 8
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
ITIM
August 7, 2008

CHICAGO, ILL. - On the opening day of the 2008 Beijing Olympics,
August 8, at least 500 Tibetans and their supporters from the Midwest
will stage a massive protest in front of China's Consulate in Chicago at 12pm.

This demonstration is part of a worldwide effort on August 8 to
express deep displeasure with China's cruel treatment of Tibetans,
its brutal illegal occupation of Tibet, and its unwillingness to
resolve the Tibet-China conflict.

The protesters in the Midwest will be joined at the Water Tower at
10:30am by the 15 core participants involved in the 180-mile, 2008
"March for Tibet's Independence" that began in Madison on July 25 and
ends at the Consulate on August 8. Included among these walkers are
Jigme Norbu (son of Taktser Rinpoche and nephew of His Holiness The
Dalai Lama), the Venerable Palden Gyatso, a 77-year old Monk who
spent 33 years in a Chinese prison, and Wangchuk Dorje (Former North
American Parliament Member-Tibetan Government In-Exile). For details
about this walk, visit www.rangzen.org.

Tibetans and their supporters from Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin,
Minnesota, Kentucky, Washington, Vermont, Massachusetts, New York,
Michigan, and India will participate.

Members of the Illinois Chapter of the Formosan Association for
Public Affairs will also participate.

Jigme Norbu stated, "We have not achieved my father's lifelong dream
of restoring Tibet's independence. I will continue to do whatever is
necessary to achieve his dream and to voice the desires of my 6
million brothers and sisters inside Tibet who only want independence
and who continue to demonstrate this desire in spite of the brutal
force they experience at the hands of China's military and police."

According to the Venerable Palden Gyatso, "Until we achieve an
acceptable solution on the Tibet-China issue, we will keep fighting."

Sangay Taythi (Regional Tibetan Youth Congress-Minnesota) stated, "As
a Tibetan youth in exile, I feel that it is our responsibility to
keep the Tibetan movement alive through non-violent ways and rise up
to regain the very place our parents and grandparents were forced out of."

The International Tibet Independence Movement, Tibetan Alliance of
Chicago, Tibetan American Foundation of Minnesota, Wisconsin Tibetan
Association, Regional Tibetan Youth Congress-Minnesota, Minnesota
Tibetan Women's Association, Midwest Students for a Free Tibet,
Chicago Students for a Free Tibet, and Indiana University-Students
for a Free Tibet are coordinating this event.

Contact: Professor Larry Gerstein (rangzen@aol.com; 317-506-2249)

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Berlin Protest

2008-08-08T21:40:04Z

Tibetans, Uighurs and Mongolians protested in front of the
Chinese embassy in Berlin
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Deutsche Welle (Germany)
August 7, 2008

A day before the Olympics open in Beijing, around 100 protestors
rallied in front of the Chinese embassy in Berlin Thursday to
demonstrate for human rights. Similar protests are planned in several
other European cities.

Demonstrators representing Tibetan groups, Uighurs, Mongolians and
the Falun Gong spiritual movement gathered in front of the Chinese
embassy in Berlin on Thursday, Aug 7, waving flags and holding banners.

The protest was one of a series of events planned in several European
cities on the eve of the Olympic Games in Beijing to draw world
attention to China's poor human rights record.

Protests were planned in Lisbon and in Porto in Portugal, candle
vigils in several Swiss cities and one in Norway, while in London the
Free Tibet campaign was to hold a protest in front of the Chinese
embassy on Friday.

France bans protests outside Chinese embassy

In Paris, authorities banned rights groups from demonstrating outside
the Chinese embassy on Thursday and Friday.

News agency AFP reported that a ruling ruling sent to media watchdog
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) bans "all gatherings" from Thursday
at 7:00 am (0500 GMT) to Friday at midnight (2200 GMT) within a fixed
perimeter surrounding the Chinese embassy and consulate.

RSF had called for a rally outside the embassy at 1:00 pm Friday, to
coincide with French President Nicolas Sarkozy's arrival in Beijing
for the three-hour-long Olympic opening ceremony.

The media watchdog has challenged the ruling in court, with a
decision due Friday at 10:30 am, AFP reported.

"Games of repression"

The demonstrators in Berlin tried -- and failed -- on Thursday to
hand over a petition signed by 10,000 people calling for greater
human rights in China organised by a local non-governmental organisation.

According to the Goettingen-based human rights group, Society for
Threatened Peoples, the diplomatic delegation would not grant an
appointment, despite multiple requests.

By handing over the petition the organization wanted to once against
demonstrate against the increasing persecution of ethnic groups and
religious communities. The Society for Threatened Peoples' secretary
general , Tilman Zülch, told German news agency DPA that this would
not be a "Games of Peace" for Tiebtans, Uighurs, Mongolians and Falun
Gong members.

"They've already suffered too much repression in the past months for
that," he added.

Zülch also told news agency DDP that the Olympics in China were
"comparable with the games from 1936 in Berlin," when Nazi Germany
hosted the sporting event.

"These aren't the games of openness and friendship, but rather the
games of repression," he said, adding that China was a ruled by a
totalitarian regime that committed human rights abuses.

China has painted the Games as a celebration of three decades of
economic reforms and hopes the event will showcase a rapidly
modernizing country.

More than 1,000 Tibetans missing, groups say

Some 100 participants took park in the demonstration in Berlin which
couldn't take place directly at the embassy due to police barriers.
They held up banners with Chinese characters written on them,
expressing their hope for improvement of human rights.

The protestors also took lit torches, emblazoned with the Olympic
rings, and put them out in giant tubs of water. With this symbolic
gesture, the demonstrators wanted to make clear that Beijing has
failed to honor the promises made leading up to the games to better
human rights in the country.

According to human rights organizations, more than 1,000 Tibetan were
taken into custody during the unrest and mass arrests in March 2008
and are still missing.

More than 1,500 Uighurs have been arrested in recent weeks for
political reasons, and members of the Falun Gong sects have been
victims of torture and murder. 3,160 of them have meet grisly deaths
while in the custody of the security forces, they say.

Germany-wide "protestival"

Pro-Tibet groups are planning to hold Germany-wide demonstrations in
order to call attention to the constant violations of human rights in China.

Over the next 17 days, some 50 campaigns are planned to take place in
30 different cities, including Berlin, Munich and Frankfurt.

One group of Tibet activists plan to hold a "protestival" at Berlin's
landmark Brandenburg Gate to call attention to the "ongoing bad human
rights situation" in the Chinese-controlled province.

Campaign organizers are hoping to use the demonstrations to find a
peaceful solution to the Tibet question as well as an end to torture,
capital punishment and other human rights violations in China.

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Monks vs Embassy

2008-08-08T21:36:58Z

Beijing 2008: Tibetan Monks Attack Embassy In India
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
AGI (Italy)
August 8, 2008

New Delhi, 8 August - Coinciding with the start of the opening
ceremony of the Olympic Games in Beijing, a group of Tibetan monks
have attempted to raid the Chinese embassy in New Delhi, India but
they were stopped by the police. Using two coaches, more than 150
monks with the traditional purple gowns attempted to knock down the
steel barriers in front of the entrance to the street where the
Chinese legation is located, in the embassy district of Chanakyapuri
in the Indian capital.

While the guards blocked the bus several monks managed to get over
the barrier and reach the walls of the Beijing embassy at a run but
they were stopped there. A spokesperson from the Indian police said
that "we have strengthened the security measures and detained the
monks in custody".

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War Preparations in Tibet

2008-08-08T21:29:28Z

Emergency Wartime Response Preparation Status Announced in Tibet
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
2008 Olympics & Human Rights
By Guo Chuanxin
The Epoch Times/Central News Agency
Aug 7, 2008

The Tibetan Government in Exile said on August 6 that in the Tibetan
areas in southwestern China security has been on extremely high
alert. Following two days of anti-terrorism military drills with real
weapons in Lhasa and other Tibetan settled areas, the Chinese regime
has announced that all Tibetan areas are in an emergency wartime
response preparation state that will last until September 20.

The Tibetan Government in Exile said that according to reliable
sources, in late July, the Chinese regime set up makeshift temples,
shops, and residences in Aba Tibetan Autonomous District in
northwestern Sichuan Province. On July 31, a large number of Chinese
soldiers were dressed as Tibetan monks, held flags of the Tibetan
Government in Exile, and staged a riot. The military suppressed the
riot as an anti-terrorism drill. The whole process was videotaped.

In addition, Chinese authorities conducted two anti-terrorism drills
at the Lhasa train station and airport on August 2 and August 4. On
the afternoon of August 5, the Communist Party Committee and
administration of the Tibetan Autonomous Region held meetings with
key officials to ensure security during the Olympics and Special
Olympics. Military drills were also held in other Tibetan settled
areas such as Kangding.

The Tibetan Government in Exile believes that such large-scale
anti-terrorism drills with real weapons are aimed to threaten local
Tibetans using military prowess.

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Games and Gulag

2008-08-08T21:24:23Z

Games and the Gulag: Let the Protests Begin
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Aritz Parra/AP
Newsweek
August 6, 2008

The first skirmishes in the guerrilla war between Chinese authorities
and human rights protesters took place on Wednesday. Plenty of what
China doesn't want to happen has happened here today, but so far it's
been small-scale, with a scrappy, subterranean feel, and very little
of it has occurred in public. By the end of the afternoon, four Free
Tibet protesters had been detained and a film show was canceled.
Human rights groups staged at least four protests.

The day's most successful stunt came from Students for a Free Tibet.
Two men--American Phil Bartell and Briton Iain Thom--climbed pylons
near the showcase Bird's Nest National Stadium at dawn and hung out
banners saying "Tibet will be Free" and "One World, One Dream, Free
Tibet". Police detained the climbers and their two helpers–one man
and one woman–who were acting as spotters at the base of the pylon,
and there has been no word of them since. It's likely they've been
deported. Despite the small scale of this incident, the stadium is
the icon of the Games and will be the site of the opening ceremony on
Friday. It's blow to the police for activists to get so close so such
a sensitive site.

Free Tibet activists also organized film showings in hotel rooms,
notifying reporters by text message. The first show went ahead,
attended by Reuters and BBC reporters, but Newsweek's invitation was
to the later event in a second hotel. There was a distinctly amateur
feel to this occasion as two dozen reporters milled round the lobby
of the modest Hotel G (no secrecy here, that's its full name) in east
Beijing, trying to gain entry to Room 612. While management insisted
that 612's occupant did not want us admitted, reporters dialed the
room and were told to come up. After a while, though, Room 612
stopped answering. Seven journalists who did make it inside appeared
and said that management had switched off the TV and ordered them
out. The UK-based organizers included Dechen Pemba, a Tibetan woman
with a British passport who was deported from Beijing in July. Before
the film, Pemba gave a 10 minute introduction by video, Reuters reported.

Hotel rooms were a creative theme of the day. If the film show was
art-house, the day's third event was more like an art school degree
show installation. Selected reporters were invited to go to two hotel
rooms a couple of miles apart, locate the room key taped to the back
of the "Do not disturb" sign and let themselves inside for a private
viewing. What they found, according to a photographer with the
Spanish paper El Mundo, were walls daubed with slogans and a
life-size black-clad figure laid out on the bed with a splash of red
paint at its neck. Daubed directly onto the walls was the slogan
"Speak out for those who have no voices", the Beijing 2008 logo and
the names of five jailed dissidents. The names in both rooms were the
same: AIDS activist Hu Jia, Pastor Zhang Rongliang who supports
unregistered churches or "house churches", journalist Shi Tao, human
rights activist and lawyer Guo Feixiong, and Falungong member Xu Na.
There was no sign of the organizers (who presumably paid cash for
their rooms) according to Richard Spencer of the UK-based newspaper
The Daily Telegraph. It's not clear who organized these spectacles.

These guerrilla actions are small scale affairs, but the Games
haven't started yet. There almost certainly will be more protests in
the days ahead.

The Hotel G was shut down after this incident, according to an email
from the film show's organizers. "According to many sources the
guests of Hotel G. were forced to leave their hotel and find other
places for the coming night," it said.

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Olympics Widen the Gap Between China and the World?

2008-08-08T21:22:45Z

Could the Olympics Widen the Gap Between China and the World?
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Jun Wang
New America Media, News Analysis,
August 8, 2008

Editor's Note: The Summer Olympics are supposed to be China's coming
out party on the world stage. But it's brought into sharp focus how
differently Chinese think the world views them, and how the world
actually views China. And even the most hospitable gestures by
Beijing residents might not be able to bridge that gap, writes Jun
Wang who monitors Chinese media for New America Media.

As the curtain rises on the Summer Olympics in Beijing, the gulf
between China and the world seems to be growing wider.

A recent Pew Research Center poll, which surveyed 24,000 people in 23
countries, found that majorities in only seven of those countries
have a positive attitude towards China. In nine countries, China's
popularity has declined in the past year. It's gone up in only two.

This when 77 percent of Chinese believe that "people in other
countries like China." That percentage has actually grown by nine
percent from 68 percent three years ago.

It's a stinging surprise for the vast population in China that
statistically, most foreigners view their country with suspicion. The
Beijing Olympics were meant to engage with the world. They are, in
effect, China's calling card to the world.

It was why so many in China have rushed to learn English. According
to the Guangzhou Daily, China has been in an English-learning mania
for some years. In the summer of 2001, 68-year-old retiree Jingxiu
Yang's dream was answered when he learned that Beijing was to host
the Olympics games. He wanted to be an Olympics volunteer. Yang
followed his grandson who was learning English and became a student
as well. Like him, at least a million Beijing residents have been
learning English, hoping that would prepare them for better
communication with foreign tourists during the Olympics.

The Chinese are going out of the way to be considerate to their
foreign guests' sensibilities. The capital recently banned dog
eating. And for those who can't read Chinese, there are suggestions
for a standardized English menu for tourists, reports the web-based
media, Online Shanghai. No more "Bean Curd Made by a Pock-marked
Woman", "Husband and Wife's Lung Slice" and "Chicken Without Sexual
Life." Now they've become the much less exotic "Spicy Tofu", "Beef
and Ox Tripe in Chili Sauce" and "Steamed Pullet" on restaurant menus.

Beijing doesn't just have brand new stadiums and subway lines.
Beijing residents are also being taught to stand in line. People have
been practicing waiting in line for buses since the government made
the 11th of each month "Waiting-in-line Day."

Beijing residents have also opened their homes. The Beijing Times
reported that Jichang Jing and his wife made four rooms in their
traditional courtyard house available to host tourists. The couple,
both in their 50s, hired an English tutor and studied the language
for two years to better communicate with their prospective guests.
The family even special-ordered over-sized beds for foreign guests,
and charges them $60 US dollars per day, breakfast included.

Jing's family is admittedly rare. With the skyrocketing real estate
prices in Beijing, average residents can by no means afford a
traditional courtyard house valued from millions to tens of millions
US dollars. Average families in Beijing don't have the ability to
host foreign guests. But the host family initiative launched by the
government has been widely considered an expression of genuine
hospitality and a desire to know more about foreign people and cultures.

But there's plenty of issues the Chinese are uniformed about which
foreign media focus on -- Tibet Independence, ethnic unrest within
China, human rights issues regarding religious and civil liberties.
Chinese people truly believe their efforts to welcome visitors have
been well perceived by people around the world.

Those stories are underreported in Western media. Instead, one reads
more about the Chinese government's power to mobilize and control.
For example, 100,000 security personnel are working in Beijing to
keep everything under control, authorities have swept away protesting
residents whose ramshackle homes are now kept hidden behind nets and
brick walls, and protesters have been arrested.

It's the control that's made an impression on China's foreign guests,
not the country's hospitality.

The Olympic games were supposed to be China's coming out party on the
world stage, but in some ways, it might have backfired.

By the time the Games are over, will the gap between China and the
world shrink? Or, despite Beijing's best efforts (or maybe because of
it), could that gap get even bigger?

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Obama and McCain and China

2008-08-07T17:19:53Z

American Foreign Policy Brought to You by China
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Advisers to Obama, McCain Tied to US Multinationals that Profit from Beijing
Democracy Now
August 5, 2008

President Bush is heading to China this week, where he will attend
the opening ceremony of the Beijing Summer Olympics on Friday. The
Games' presence in Beijing have helped spotlight opposition to China
on a number of policies, including its repression of the Tibetan
independence movement, its support for the Sudanese government in
Darfur and its crackdown on dissidents and civil liberties at home.
In the latest issue of Harper's Magazine, Ken Silverstein says many
of the bipartisan experts who have advocated so-called "constructive
engagement" with China are tied to major US multinational
corporations that profit heavily from the Chinese market. [includes
rush transcript]

Ken Silverstein, Washington editor of Harper's Magazine. He also
publishes a blog on political corruption in Washington, D.C. called
"Washington Babylon." His latest article in the magazine is called
"The Mandarins: American Foreign Policy Brought to You by China."

Rush Transcript

AMY GOODMAN: President Bush arrived in South Korea last night on the
first leg of a trip to Asia that will also take him to Thailand and
to China, where he'll attend the opening ceremony of the Beijing
Summer Olympics on Friday. In China, Bush will meet President Hu
Jintao and other Chinese leaders. His visit to China will be the
fourth of his presidency. No other US president has visited China
more than once.

Bush has been criticized by a number of lawmakers and human rights
groups for his decision to attend the Beijing Games. He has rebuffed
calls to boycott the opening ceremonies over a number of Chinese
policies, such as repression of Tibetan independence movement, its
support for the Sudanese government in Darfur and its crackdown on
dissidents and civil liberties at home.

In an interview with the Washington Post, Bush said, "One of the
reasons I'm going is because I want to show respect to the Chinese
people, and this is a proud moment for China."

Well, in the latest issue of Harper's Magazine, Ken Silverstein says
many of the bipartisan experts who have advocated so-called
"constructive engagement" with China are tied to major US
multinational corporations that profit heavily from the Chinese
market. Ken Silverstein joins me now from Washington, D.C.

Welcome to Democracy Now!, Ken.

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Thanks.

AMY GOODMAN: Lay out your thesis in "The Mandarins," the title of your piece.

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Well, basically I looked at -- I started looking at
the campaign advisers, actually, to Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton
-- this was a few months ago when I started, and she was still very
much part of the fight for the Democratic nomination -- and John
McCain. And I didn't have a -- I mean, the story ended up being a
little bit different than what I had initially imagined, but what I
discovered was that many of these advisers, not just advisers on
China policy, in fact, although that's what I focused on, but many of
the presidential advisers to the top candidates worked for some of
these international consulting firms whose whole business model is to
open up doors abroad for US and other Western companies, in fact.

So, for example, in the case of China, you have a guy named Jeffrey
Bader, who is at the Brookings Institution, which I think maybe we
can get back to in a minute, but who also has worked for Stonebridge
International, which is a big consulting firm headed by Sandy Berger,
who used to be with the Clinton administration and in fact who was
primarily responsible for—or one of the people primarily responsible
for the big opening with China under Clinton. Remember, Clinton came
into office promising that he would honor the spirit of Tiananmen
Square and left having put into place permanent normal trade
relations with Beijing.

But you found time and time again that the key advisers to the major
presidential candidates had these economic conflicts that were never
stated when they wrote op-eds or were interviewed on TV or radio. You
know, they were always -- or typically, they'd be identified as
belonging to a think tank or simply as a former government official.
Well, what about their relationship with, say, Stonebridge, where not
only Jeffrey Bader, Obama's—a big adviser for Obama, but Ken
Lieberthal, who was the senior adviser to Clinton on China policy,
both of them hold positions there?

Now, it's fine if they want to, you know, acknowledge where they work
and let the listener or the viewer decide if this might influence
their point of view, but to put people on TV or on the radio and to
simply let them appear to be an independent observer, when in fact
they have a direct stake, really, and a close relationship between
Washington and Beijing, and when their business model actually
requires them being on reasonably good terms with Chinese government
officials, and in fact, you know, generally much better than
reasonably good terms, generally very warm, positive terms with
Chinese officials, because they're door openers—you cannot open doors
with Chinese government officials on behalf of Western companies
unless you are on good terms. I mean, if they don't like you, if you
say a lot of nasty things about Tibet or human rights or anything
else, then the Chinese government officials that you need to help you
in your business are not going to be there for you. So it's an
inherent conflict that's just very, very rarely discussed.

AMY GOODMAN: The company that's -- Sandy Berger, chief adviser to
President Clinton, also perhaps the foremost architect of the
administration's dramatic shift in China policy, you point out that
he, before he came into the Clinton administration, was with the law
firm of Hogan & Hartson, and he coordinated business lobbying for
China at that law firm.

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Yeah, I mean, most of the people I'm talking about,
most of these advisers, previously worked in government. Now they may
be off in the business -- the private sector. Some of them are going
to end up going back into government, I'm quite sure of that, in
either a Obama or McCain administration.

But yeah, Berger is a classic example. I mean, he started off in the
private sector lobbying for permanent normal trade relations for
China. This is back in the '90s. And this -- you know, I think
probably many of your listeners may have forgotten, but ten years
ago, fifteen years ago, the US relationship with Beijing was
extremely heated. I mean, the debate about permanent normal trade
relations with China was almost as heated as the debate over NAFTA.
Millions and millions and millions of dollars were spent by the
business community to lobby for this policy. And the Clinton
administration reversed itself, completely reversed itself, and
decided that it would prioritize -- over human rights policy, it
would prioritize commercial relationships. And that was what—that's
what happened. And Berger was one of the architects of this policy.
After he left Hogan & Hartson, he joined the Clinton administration.
So he basically lobbies for China in the private sector, joins the
Clinton administration, where he lobbies for China, then goes to
Stonebridge International, where he's basically lobbying for China still.

And you find this pattern time and time again. There are senior
government officials who, you know, had previously worked on behalf
of China in one form or another, they go into government, then they
retire, and they still have very, very important ties to China that
benefit them financially in a very direct personal manner.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk, Ken Silverstein, about Alexander Haig and
about Brent Scowcroft? Talk about, first, Haig.

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Well, Haig is -- you know, the Chinese love Haig. I
mean, there's probably no American who they are more fond of than Al
Haig. He worked with President Nixon and helped arrange the historic
visit that Nixon made to China, which marked the opening. He worked
with—you know, he was Secretary of State under Ronald Reagan, and he,
you know, very actively promoted Chinese interest against Taiwan,
which also had a very powerful lobby.

And I should say here that, you know, Haig and many of the generation
of foreign policy advisers from those years, the Reagan years and the
Nixon years, the Republican presidents pre-George Bush, looked upon
simply—or the Cold War Republican presidents—looked upon China simply
as a buffer against the Soviet Union or as an ally against the Soviet
Union. They didn't really look at China in any way other than as a
geopolitical, geo-strategic vehicle for the United States. And, you
know, our primary enemy was the Soviet Union, and even though China
was communist, it was not close at all to the Soviet Union, and so we
made an alliance with China, you know, in this grand strategic game.

So, Haig develops very close relationships with China then. Then he
retires, after becoming somewhat controversial, some of your
listeners may recall, when he tried to take over the US government
after Ronald Reagan was shot, claiming that he was next in line for
power. He made a number of blunders. Yet he then goes into the
private sector, opens up a firm called Worldwide Consulting, and,
from there, becomes a door opener, and he does a lot of business in
China, very close to the Chinese government.

He actually went to Tiananmen on -- a year after Tiananmen Square, he
went to Beijing and stood in Tiananmen Square during the fortieth
anniversary of the Communist Party's rise to power in China. He was
the only prominent Westerner who attended. Most of the Western
ambassadors boycott. But Haig, in a show of solidarity, turns up at
Tiananmen. And so, of course, the Chinese government loves Al Haig.
So if you're a company, an American company, and you want to
establish a business in China or expand your business in China, of
course you're going to go to a guy like Al Haig. He can help you. So
you pay Haig, and he opens the doors for you in China.

Same thing with Scowcroft. Scowcroft also worked for the Bush
administration at the time of Tiananmen and, very soon after the
crackdown there, traveled to Beijing and met secretly with Chinese
leaders to try to make sure that there would be no serious fallout in
the US-China relationship. So he is also well loved by the Chinese
government. And these are the sorts of people who American companies
now can turn to and say, "Look, we need your help." And they get it,
because the Chinese government is very fond of these former officials.

AMY GOODMAN: You give the example of Brent Scowcroft taking the
former CEO of Qualcomm, Irwin Jacobs, for a meeting with China's
prime minister.

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Yeah, he traveled over to China with several
prominent Fortune 500 CEOs, including the CEO of Qualcomm and also of
Chubb Corporation, as I recall. And, you know, this is what we know,
because the fact is that these companies do not disclose their
clients. It's very difficult to find out who they're actually working
for. They're under no—it's actually, in some ways, more nefarious
than lobbying, I think, because if you're a registered lobbyist, then
at least the American public knows who you represent, and if you go
on TV, people can at least say, "Oh, he's a former—he was a lobbyist
for such-and-such government or such-and-such corporation." But the
people at these big economic consulting firms, like Stonebridge—or
Scowcroft has his own firm, and Haig has his own firm—I mean, there
are dozens and dozens of these consulting firms across Washington --
and they don't disclose who they work for, they don't have to
disclose their clients, and so, you know, the public has really no
way of knowing who they represent when they make their media appearances.

AMY GOODMAN: Scowcroft's relation with McCain?

KEN SILVERSTEIN: McCain said there's no one in the world he respects
more than Brent Scowcroft. I mean, Haig and Scowcroft are informal
advisers to John McCain. They are not formally listed, but they are
both close to McCain, and as I said, McCain said that there's no one
he respects more than Scowcroft. So he has very—you know, I can
assure you that if McCain is elected president, he will be getting
advice on China from Scowcroft.

AMY GOODMAN: Scowcroft's firm, the Scowcroft Group, does employ a few
Democrats, you mention, including Kevin Nealer, a former State
Department official and trade adviser to Senate Democrats. What is
his significance in the relationship with China?

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Well, first, let me just quickly say that all of
these firms tend to be bipartisan. They may—you know, Stonebridge has
a preponderance of Democrats. But they always want people from the
other side, because that way they can reach out to companies that may
feel more comfortable with—you know, politically with a Republican,
as opposed to a Democrat. So they are all bipartisan.

Nealer was a State Department official who had worked on China, who,
at the Scowcroft Group, is the primary contact, I guess, for a major
investment fund that has extensive holdings in China. And he also,
like many of these guys, served on—he produced a Council on Foreign
Relations study that proposed closer relationships with China. This
is another thing that's very interesting. If you look at the authors
of virtually any major think tank report on foreign policy and you
look down the list of who put it together, you're almost always going
to find people from these consulting firms. And again, at least let's
identify these people. I mean, you'll see them identified as
belonging to a think tank, say, but what you won't see is, you know,
a guy like Nealer identified as working for the Scowcroft Group. I
mean, let's get these conflicts out in the open, at least, so the
public knows who's putting together our foreign policy.

AMY GOODMAN: Now, both Obama adviser, Bader, and McCain's most
respected, Scowcroft, both of them deny that the advisory class has
in any way compromised by its business relationships with China.

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Well, I mean, you would expect them to deny it. I
mean, but really, frankly, it defies all logic. I mean, let me be
honest with you. I work for Harper's Magazine. If you were to put me
on a—I mean, that's where I get my paycheck. I'm the Washington
editor of the magazine. If you put me on a panel about the greatest
magazines in America, it's very likely that I might point to Harper's
or at least put us in the top two or three. It's hard, when you're
getting paid by an institution or where you have financial ties,
direct financial ties, to, in this case, a country, not to have your
judgment and your point of view at least somewhat clouded.

I also talked to Perry Link, a Princeton professor, who said that,
you know, there's no doubt that these people who work for these
consulting firms in -- you know, he says, within the academy, within
the think tank world, it's very well known that people who have such
ties are in some ways biased, at minimum. And Link has said that—he
told me that, you know, he's actually banned from entering China,
because he had written some very critical pieces and done some
critical work, and the Chinese actually banned him from going over
there. And he said to me, "Look, I"—he founded Princeton's summer
program in China some years ago, and then he was barred from going
over there. And he said, "Look, it, you know, was painful. You know,
I'd love to go over to visit my friends in China, and it's a great
position to head the summer program. You get paid very well. It's a
terrific position." He said, "You know, I have to admit, if I hadn't
been barred from entering the country, I might find myself hedging my
own opinions about China, just so as not to anger the Chinese government."

And he said he constantly came across graduate students who were
shying away from topics, such as human rights or forced abortion or
issues that might anger the Chinese government, because they knew it
would make it more difficult for them to further their academic
research in China, and it also might have some career implications.

So I think it's illogical. You know, I would expect the advisers to
say, "No, of course it doesn't influence us." And I would also say
that I don't believe it's as simple as, well, they open doors in
China, and hence every word they say has no value, because some of
these people are extremely smart and insightful. And yet, there's no
question that their point of view has been—is not impartial. I mean,
at a minimum, if they're not in any way influenced by this, then why
is it that so few of them identify these ties? I mean, you never see
Jeffrey Bader, when he goes—writes an op-ed or when he's on the
radio—why don't they volunteer, "Oh, and, by the way, it's irrelevant
that I work for Stonebridge. People ought to know that." And I found,
time and time again, that these advisers -- it seems to me that they
actively try not to disclose a relationship that might be somewhat
embarrassing. And there's a good reason: it is embarrassing.

AMY GOODMAN: How do they actively try to disclose --prevent the disclosure?

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Well, I know that when I first talked to Brookings,
I contacted Bader through the Brookings Institute, which receives an
enormous amount of money from John Thornton, who is a former CEO of
Goldman Sachs and himself has a lot of direct financial stakes in
China—he's the primary funder of the China program at Brookings,
which is named after him, so that's another story. But I contacted
Brookings, and I contacted the Obama campaign, and when I talked to
Brookings, I mentioned—you know, I was told by someone at Brookings
that "We prefer not to have the Stonebridge label disclosed." Now,
they might say, "Well, it's because, you know, we're Brookings, and
we want more credit for Brookings," but it seemed to me that it was
quite clear that they preferred not to mention Stonebridge in talking
about Bader.

And if you just -- if you simply look"I mean, look, look at how these
people are identified. I looked at dozens and dozens and dozens of
media appearances for people like Bader and Scowcroft and Ken
Lieberthal. You almost never come across an instance where they list
their affiliation with—you know, if they're talking about China,
don't you think that working for Stonebridge, which has offices in
China—and, in fact, Lieberthal and Bader are both listed as being key
officials at Stonebridge China. That would be a little bit relevant,
I would think, to their identity when they appear in the press. But
it never comes out, and I can't help but believe, from what I heard
and from what I see, in terms of how they're identified in their
media appearances, that that's not deliberate. It raises questions
about the independence of their point of view, and I'm sure that they
wouldn't want that done.

AMY GOODMAN: Ken, you close with a telling quote from the Princeton
University professor now banned from China, Perry Link, who said,
"I'm for engagement. When people like Henry Kissinger talk about
engagement, they mean black tie affairs with top government and
business leaders. But those leaders are not the same as the Chinese
people." Ken Silverstein, thanks so much for joining us, Washington—

KEN SILVERSTEIN: Thank you.

AMY GOODMAN: Washington editor of Harper's Magazine. We'll link to
Harper's on our website. He also publishes a blog on political
corruption in Washington, D.C. called "Washington Babylon."

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To change the Olympics, change the channel

2008-08-06T01:56:25Z

Opinion: To change the Olympics, change the channel
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Jonathan Zimmerman
The San Francisco Chronicle
August 4, 2008 B-7

I love everything about sports: playing them, viewing them and
writing about them. But when the Olympic Games start later this week
in Beijing, I'm not going to watch. And neither should you.

Call it the People's Boycott. Despite worldwide protests, every major
nation is sending its athletes to Beijing. That's all the more reason
for you and me to stage our own silent demonstration. If you want to
change the Olympics, change the channel.

Anything less will make you party to the cynical brutality of China's
leaders, who have broken nearly every promise they made when they
were awarded the Games in 2001. Although the government pledged to
allow journalists unfettered access to the Internet during the
Olympics, for example, censors have blocked Web sites such as Radio
Free Asia and Amnesty International. This is the same regime that
bankrolls Sudanese dictator Omar el-Bashir, who was recently indicted
for genocide and war crimes in Darfur. But China turns a deaf ear to
the international community, insisting that the Darfur crisis is an
"internal affair."

And that's the same line it uses with respect to Tibet, of course,
where China crushed a rebellion earlier this spring. Ditto for the
jailing of political dissidents and the muzzling of parents who lost
children during last May's earthquake. "Internal affairs," all.

If you really believe that, go ahead and watch the Olympics. But if
you think that people should have the same human rights, no matter
where they happen to live, then it's incumbent upon you to look away
when the Games come on. The People's Boycott will face objections, of
course. I can already predict five of them:

1. The Olympics shouldn't be "political." That's like saying
unmarried men shouldn't be bachelors. The Olympics have always been
political. They were political in 1936, when Adolf Hitler used the
Games to burnish his international standing; in 1968, when two
African American medal-winners raised their fists in a black power
salute; in 1972, when Palestinian terrorists murdered 11 Israeli
athletes; and in 1980, when 60 nations boycotted the Moscow Olympics
to protest the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. One of those
nations was - you guessed it - the People's Republic of China.

2. Protesting the Olympics reflects "anti-Chinese" bigotry. No, it
doesn't. It's a critique of the Chinese government, not of its
citizenry. I have written hundreds of columns questioning the
American government's behavior, in Iraq and elsewhere, and but that
doesn't mean I'm "anti-American." So why does a demand for an Olympic
boycott make me "anti-Chinese"?

3. The United States commits its own human-rights abuses, in Iraq and
elsewhere. Like I said, I'm no friend of the war in Iraq. But I'm
also free to tell you that, in print and in person, without fear of
government goons harassing me or my family. Chinese dissidents aren't so lucky.

4. The People's Boycott will penalize hard-working athletes. That was
the best argument I have heard against a true Olympic boycott: if a
country withheld its athletes, their toil and preparation would go
for naught. Now that all of the nations are participating, however,
it's hard to see how turning off your television set will harm
Olympic competitors. They'll still get to play, but they'll also get
put on notice that lots of people object.

5. The People's Boycott won't make a difference. Maybe not this year.
But down the road, it will. After all, NBC bid nearly $900 million to
broadcast the Beijing Games. If its TV ratings suffer, you can bet
that the International Olympic Committee - which derives the bulk of
its revenue from broadcast fees - will think twice before awarding
the Games to another dictatorial government.

And remember: Whether you watch the Olympics or not, your children
will be watching you. One day, people will read about the Beijing
Games and ask how the world could possibly have played along. Your
kids will have a ready answer: We didn't. And they'll be proud of it, too.

Jonathan Zimmerman, a professor of history and education at New York
University, is the author of "Small Wonder: The Little Red
Schoolhouse in History and Memory," forthcoming from Yale University Press.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Online Candle light vigil

2008-08-04T21:55:07Z

This group is sponsoring an online candlelight vigil for Tibet.

Pick up your candle here:

http://candle4tibet.ning.com/photo/photo/show?id=2154241%3APhoto%3A20668

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China pays writers to lie

2008-08-01T21:34:37Z

China: Party lines
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Yiyun Li
The New Statesman (UK)
July 31, 2008

The Chinese Writers' Association employs 5,196 of the country's most
popular and influential authors. In return, it expects them to
produce poems, novels - and state propaganda

Yiyun Li, born in Beijing, moved to the US in 1996, at the age of 24,
to study immunology. Her stories were published in the Paris Review
and the New Yorker soon afterwards. Her first novel, "A Thousand
Years of Good Prayers" (Fourth Estate), won critical acclaim

The Olympic torch relays and the roller-coasting stock market have
quietly replaced the earthquake of May 2008 in the Chinese news. But
it has not been forgotten. In a recent report, the chairwoman of the
Chinese Writers' Association, Tie Ning, called on all Chinese writers
to "pick up their pens" and write about the great war between Chinese
people and the earthquake. According to the news, the Writers'
Association had organised two groups of writers to tour the areas hit
by the quakes and to interview refugees; and these writers were said
to have returned with assignments to produce reportage and novels "of
depth and weight" that would soon be seen in print.

My first uneasy reaction was to a few quotations the chairwoman gave
to the press. Accompanied by local officials on her visit, she said,
she faced gratitude from the refugees, who kept thanking her for
coming to see them. This left her in tears, the chairwoman said, and
she decided that she would immediately start a new book focusing on
the earthquake relief effort.

The Chinese Writers' Association, founded in 1953, is the work unit
for 5,196 authors. It provides resources of salaries and housing, and
- especially in the time when most ordinary Chinese did not have the
freedom to travel abroad - opportunities to visit other countries as
delegates from the organisation. Even though membership of the
association is no longer as prestigious as it once was, I am
surprised, after a few googling efforts, by how many influential
Chinese writers are members. Despite their dis comfort in admitting
so and their eagerness to downplay the role of the organisation, its
presence must still be undeniable in a writer's consciousness.

A few years ago, when I met a Chinese author in the United States,
the first thing she told me was that she was officially a government
employee, as she belonged to the Writers' Association - a subtle
gesture to forestall any subversive comments from my side, I
imagined. I was quite moved by her honesty about her situation.

In an age when the internet is pushing Chinese news media to be more
transparent than ever, the responsibility for propaganda is falling
to writers. One of the top-selling authors in China recently posted
an article on his blog, urging the parents of the children killed in
many of the crushed school buildings not to pursue their legal
battles against corrupt officials and con tractors.

Their children had been remembered by 1.3 billion people in the most
grandiose mourning ceremony in human history, the author told the
bereaved parents. He then asked them to continue impressing and
moving the world with their generosity and heroism.

Elsewhere, the vice-chairman of Shandong Province's Writers'
Association published a poem, written from the point of view of an
earthquake victim buried under a crushed building: "Called to by the
President and the Premier, and loved by the government and the
Communist Party, despite my death I am a happy ghost . . . All I wish
for is a television set in front of my grave, so I could watch the
Olympics and hail with my people."

When I was a child, there was an old woman in our neighbourhood in
Beijing who was called by her nickname, Mrs Brave. Few knew her real
name, as she was known for her legendary youth: at 18 she was the
leader of a provincial women's militia and fought against the
Japanese invaders in the Second World War. In fourth grade, after a
field trip to the Museum of Chinese Revolutionary History and seeing
her picture and story on display, our class decided to pay our homage
to the nationalist hero by assigning four students each day to her
house to help with her household chores. We dreamed of winning a
school contest as the best Communist Youth Pioneers with our deed; we
dreamed of her coming to our school, thanking the principal and the
teachers, and above all thanking us for being the good children of China.

The day I was to go - a few days into our scheme - she was waiting by
the gate. "I can take care of myself all right," she yelled when my
companions and I came close to her house, waving a bald broom at us.
"Look at what your classmates did to my broom - you children don't
even know how to sweep the floor properly!"

It is understandable that a writer would always feel the urge to be
at the centre of the action. The chairwoman of the Writers'
Association, by organising the writers' tours, was perhaps thinking
about all that she would do for Chinese writers. But it was Tie
Ning's call for great literature to depict the epic war against the
earthquake that worried me; even more so, it was her being
accompanied by local officials and journalists, a public show that
was, in the conventional format of propaganda, to be greeted with
grateful tears. What did she see in the faces of the refugees, beyond
gratitude, that she did not tell us?

When I visited my parents in Beijing recently, my mother told me the
story of a row Mrs Brave had had with a neighbourhood Communist Party
secretary shortly before her death. Mrs Brave was said to have
stopped the Party secretary at the marketplace and lifted her blouse,
showing a long scar on her stomach to the man.

"The Japanese did not kill me," Mrs Brave said to the man. "I tell
you, in 1938 I was not afraid of the Japanese bayonets and I am not
afraid of you either today."

The backstory of this public showdown was vague, but Mrs Brave, with
her refusal to fit into a heroine's role, is fondly remembered by
people who have known her. But, beyond this close circle, she also
has a public life, and she will have to live on, perhaps against her
own will, as a heroic woman in a museum. Would that fate befall the
grateful refugees in the chairwoman's recounting, I wonder. Would
they, too, have to live on in the shadow of propaganda, in next
season's big fat novels of "depth and weight"?

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

candle vigil in greater Seattle area..

2008-08-01T18:02:48Z

anybody int he area is wlecome to join the vigil on Aug 7, 2008.
This is a worldwide vigil and in greater Seattle, the vigil will be held as follows:
at the -Renton City Piazza Square- at -7:15 pm- on -Aug 7th, Thur - (3rd and Burnett Sts.)
If you have time come drop by.....Seattle Friends of Tibet, contact@seattlefot.org

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Lithuanian president boycott Olympics

2008-07-31T22:21:54Z

Boycotting the Olympics
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Baltic Times, Latvia
Jul 30, 2008
In cooperation with BNS

VILNIUS -- Lithuanian President Valdas Adamkus has decided not to go
to the Beijing Summer Olympic Games 2008, announced his press service.

According to the press release, the Lithuanian Head-of-State will not
take part in the opening of the Olympic Games, however plans to
attend the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) this fall.

The release notes that Adamkus wishes the greatest of luck to the
Lithuanian athletes and plans on be active in rooting for their success.

Having noted that hosting the Olympic Games is a great honor and
responsibility for any country, as it thus becomes committed to
maintain and respect the spirit and principles of the Olympics,
Adamkus wished China the best of luck in organizing this global athletic event.

The Lithuanian Head-of-State also hopes that the Olympic Games will
help the world to become more familiar with China's rich history,
culture and people, and China's opening up to the world and the
dialogue and progress currently in development will be successfully
continued after the games as well.

As the president decided against going to Beijing, the country's
Prime Minister Gediminas Kirkilas will be the highest-ranking
Lithuanian official present in the Olympic Games. The prime minister
will be visiting in China together with his wife August 17-25th.

Worldwide prompts for boycotting the Beijing Olympic Games spread
following actions taken by the Chinese government to suppress unrest
that broke out this spring in Tibet. A non-formal freedom for Tibet
support group operating in Lithuania has also made analogous
exhortations many a time and went on to gather signatures of over
3,000 inhabitants in favor of the initiative.

Mass protests against China's rule in Tibet broke out in March.
Encounters between Tibetans and Chinese police as well as army units
were reported, claiming human lives. Protests in Tibet's capital
Lhasa turned into riots and later extended to neighboring regions of
China with a large population of Tibetans.

Lithuania and other members of the European Union (EU) have stated
concern over the unrest in Tibet, speaking for peaceful regulation of
the relations between the Chinese administration and Tibetan
spiritual leader Dalai Lama.

The president's decision not to attend the opening of the Olympic
Games in Beijing is the only possible political move to draw the
attention to the Tibet issue, says Prime Minister Gediminas Kirkilas.

"I see the president's move as a certain political move of support to
Tibet's independence aspiration. The president is not attending the
opening ceremony, and participation in the Olympic Games in general
is an entirely different thing. I am a guest invited by the
International Olympic Committee and I intend to be there to support
our athletes," the vacationing prime minister said.

In an interview to BNS, the prime minister restated that the essence
of Olympic Games is that "people set aside conflicts and wars."

"I believe sports and politics should not be confused. However, on
the other hand, non-participation in the Opening Ceremony of the
Olympic Games is the only possible move to draw the attention to
Tibetan problems," said Kirkilas.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

China plans purge of Tibetan monasteries

2008-07-31T22:06:59Z

New measures reveal government plan to purge monasteries and
restrict Buddhist practice
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
ICT Report
July 30, 2008

Sweeping new measures introduced in Kardze to purge monasteries of
monks and restrict religious practice in the wake of protests across
the plateau reveal a systematic new attack on Tibetan Buddhism that
is reminiscent of the Cultural Revolution. The new measures, which
will apply to hundreds of monasteries, strike at the heart of Tibetan
religious identity at a time of unprecedented tension on the plateau
and are likely to create further resentment among the Tibetan people.

According to the new measures, specified in an official document from
Kardze (Chinese: Ganzi) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan
province (the Tibetan area of Kham):

* Monks who express dissent or refuse to 'conform' can be expelled
and their residence demolished

* Tulkus (reincarnate lamas) could be 'stripped of the right to hold
the incarnation lineage' if they communicate with foreigners or
engage in protests against the Chinese authorities - a measure that
is consistent with an earlier ruling that all reincarnate lamas must
have the approval of the Chinese government

* Buddhist practice will be suspended in monasteries where a specific
percentage of monks have engaged in protest or dissent

* Senior religious teachers could face public 'rectification' or
imprisonment if they are shown to have even 'tolerated' peaceful
protest activity

The document, dated June 28 and published in Tibetan on an official
website1, has been translated into English by ICT below. Published
under the name of the head of Kardze prefecture, Li Zhangping, the
measures are aimed at "dealing clearly with participants in illegal
activities aimed at inciting the division of nationalities, such as
shouting reactionary slogans, distributing reactionary writings,
flying and popularising the 'snow lion flag' and holding illegal
demonstrations".

The measures have disturbing implications for the lives of monks and
nuns in Tibet, and represent a further attempt by the Chinese
authorities to seriously weaken the institution of Tibetan Buddhism.
They emerge from the authorities' position of equating any expression
of Tibetan identity with 'separatism', which has stifled debate, led
to a climate of fear, and created a serious threat to the survival of
Tibetan culture and religion.

Hundreds of Tibetans, including monks, nuns and laypeople, have been
imprisoned in Kardze in the last few months for peaceful protests
against Chinese rule since demonstrations began across the Tibetan
plateau on March 10, the anniversary of the Lhasa Uprising in 1959.
Tibetans in Kardze are known for their strong sense of Tibetan
identity and nationalism; hardline Chinese campaigns against the
Dalai Lama and economic policies that have led to the loss of their
land and livelihoods as well as the extraction of minerals by Chinese
prospectors have caused deep resentment in the region. Monks and nuns
in Kardze led a second wave of protests in the last few weeks
demonstrating against the severe implementation of 'patriotic
education' in religious institutions, which requires monks and nuns
to denounce the Dalai Lama. Many nuns in Kardze were also detained
for protesting against the brutal treatment of other Tibetans in
custody since March.

Kardze, one of 18 counties in the prefecture, has been the site of
more known political detentions of Tibetans by Chinese authorities
than any other county outside the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) since
the late 1980s, according to an authoritative database maintained by
the Congressional-Executive Commission on China (http://www.cecc.gov).

Entitled 'Measures for dealing strictly with rebellious monasteries
and individual monks and nuns (An order from the Peoples Government
of Kandze TAP no.2),' the new measures issued by the prefectural
government describe how monasteries with "10%-30% of monks or nuns
participating in disturbances" will be systematically "sealed off,
searched, suspect persons detained according to law and any banned
items they have hidden handed over (to the authorities). All
religious activities will be suspended, inmates will be prohibited
from leaving the premises, and they will be cleaned up and rectified
in the proper manner."

In an edict reminiscent of the Cultural Revolution, the ruling states
that the rooms of monks and nuns who refuse to be registered or who
do not conform to the demands of political education will be
demolished, and the monks and nuns expelled: "Monks and nuns
returning to the monastery who cannot give a clear reason for having
gone outside, who cannot make a clear stand with respect to the
unification of the Motherland and rejection of the separation of
nationalities will be expelled, and their cells demolished."

The Kardze document also places a strong emphasis on the public
'rectification' of senior lamas and religious figures, and states
that those "who fail to make their attitude clear or take a two-faced
stance will not only be strictly warned, but will have to give a
detailed examination of their behaviour in front of a general
assembly of the monastic community, and a written guarantee, and the
giving of this examination and written guarantee will be shown
repeatedly in newspapers and on television."

The new official measures also state that reincarnate lamas (tulkus)
can be "stripped of the right to hold the incarnation lineage" and
will be "severely punished by the law" if they attempt to communicate
information about what is happening in their monastery outside, or
participate in protests or "tolerate them." This ruling appears to
follow from, and is consistent with, earlier controversial measures
introduced in September 2007, 'Management measures for the
reincarnation of living Buddhas in Tibetan Buddhism, which give the
Chinese authorities final oversight over the selection process for
reincarnate lamas.' (See: 'New measures on reincarnation reveal
Party's objectives of political control,' ICT, April 15, 2007.) This
new edict in Kardze means that not only can the Chinese state, that
promotes atheism, approve or reject a candidate to be a reincarnate
lama, but the government can also withdraw the title.

Like these earlier measures, the new edict is deliberately targeted
at one of the core belief systems of Tibetan Buddhism, revealing the
Party's agenda to undermine and supplant the Tibetan religious
hierarchy and weaken the authority of legitimate Tibetan religious
leaders including the Dalai Lama.

A translation of the ruling follows below.

**************************
Measures for dealing strictly with rebellious monasteries and
individual monks and nuns
Order from the People's Government of Ganzi TAP, No. 2
These measures were decided by the third work meeting of the standing
committee of the prefecture Peoples Government and are effective from
the day of their promulgation.

Head of prefecture: Li Zhangping, June 28, 2008.

In order to defend social stability, socialist law and the basic
interests of the people, the measures listed below have been
resolutely drafted for dealing clearly with participants in illegal
activities aimed at inciting the division of nationalities, such as
shouting reactionary slogans, distributing reactionary writings,
flying and popularizing the "snow lion flag" and holding illegal
demonstrations are listed below.

One: Dealing strictly with monk and nun troublemakers.

1) In cases where those who have committed minor offences, show a
good attitude in admitting their mistakes and submit a written
statement of guilt, their head of household should be guarantor (that
they commit no further offence), should keep them inside and ensure
that they strictly follow re-education.

2) Those whose offences are greater but who are ready to admit them
should, after undergoing re-education, make a sincere confession of
guilt, give a voluntary account of the main points in their case and
submit a written statement of guilt. Until they have done so, they
will be held in custody doing re-education.

3) Those guilty of serious offences who show a stubborn attitude will
be counselled strictly, given a warning, stripped of their rights as
religious practitioners and expelled from their monasteries, and held
in custody doing re-education.

4) Those involved in instigating splittism and disturbances, hatching
conspiracies, forming organisations and taking a leading role will
not only be strictly punished according to law, but will have their
rights as religious practitioners annulled, be expelled from their
monasteries, and henceforth not be able to serve as religious
practitioners, no monastery will be allowed to take them in, and
should they do so, the heads of that monastery's management
committee2 will be held responsible for supporting and harboring
splittists and dealt with severely.

Two: Dealing strictly with troublemaking monasteries.

5) Those monasteries with 10%-30% of monks or nuns3 participating in
disturbances will be sealed off, searched, suspect persons detained
according to law and any banned items they have hidden shall be
confiscated. All religious activities will be suspended, inmates will
be prohibited from leaving the premises, and they will be cleaned up
and rectified in the proper manner.

6) Monastery management committees with officials participating in
disturbances will be rectified in a timely manner, and in cases where
an overt incident has occurred, or where there are no suitable
personnel available, the local government will depute officials to
assume control of management. During the period of cleansing and
rectification, the monastery's financial control and all other
management functions will be suspended.

7) During the period of rectification, those monks or nuns who do not
assist the work of the committee, who do not agree to be registered
and photographed, who leave the monastery premises as they please and
refuse to correct themselves despite repeated reeducation, will be
completely expelled from the monastery, will have their rights as
religious practitioners annulled, will be sent back to their native
places, and their residential cells will be demolished. Monks and
nuns returning to the monastery who cannot give a clear reason for
having gone outside, who cannot make a clear stand with respect to
the unification of the Motherland and rejection of the separation of
nationalities will be expelled, and their cells demolished.

8) Monks and nuns at monasteries involved in disturbances must
re-register, and their cells in the monastery must be collectively
numbered. The limit on the number of monks or nuns allowed to join
the monastery must be reduced in accordance with the number who
participated in the disturbances and the number expelled. Monks and
nuns who continue to profess splittism, who covertly assist or
participate in disturbances, or refuse to comply with reeducation
will be expelled.

9) The management committees of monasteries that do not improve
following rectification, where monks and nuns go out again and make
trouble, will be investigated, and in due course, according to law,
they will be removed from the list of registered religious
institutions and closed down.

Three: Strict checking that the management committees fulfill their
responsibilities.

10) Monks, Tulkus, Khenpos,4 Geshes5 and so on in the management
committees of monasteries that, although not directly involved in
disturbances, do not take a clear stand on the issue, do not fulfill
their management responsibilities, are lax or implicated in instances
of poor management, or fail to investigate and discipline monks and
nuns who go outside and participate in disturbances must be subjected
to careful scrutiny of their mistakes while undergoing criticism and
re-education.

11) Management committee officials, Tulkus, Khenpos and Geshes who
fail to make their attitude clear or take a two-faced stance will not
only be strictly warned, but will be submitted to a detailed
examination of their behavior in front of a general assembly of the
monastic community, and obliged to give a written guarantee, and the
giving of this examination and written guarantee will be shown
repeatedly in newspapers and on television.

12) Management committee officials, Tulkus, Khenpos and Geshes who
send secret reports or collude with foreign separatists, assist in
disturbances, tolerate them, or incite others will be severely
punished by law. In accordance with legal provisions, their political
right of participation in government bodies, People's Congresses,
People's Political Consultative Conferences and Buddhist Associations
will be annulled, and all salaries paid for the performance of such
various functions terminated. They will not be allowed to participate
in religious activities with the rights of religious practitioners,
and in the case of Tulkus, they will be stripped of the right to hold
the incarnation lineage, and simultaneously the finances and
financial management of monasteries under their control will be
frozen and inspected, all instances of misappropriation of monastery
funds or financial management contravening the regulations will be
examined and dealt with according to law, as well as broadcast in
prefectural newspapers and on television.

*********
Footnotes
1. http://zw.tibet.cn/news/xz_news/ttxw/200807/t20080718_413324.htm
2. This is a reference to Democratic Management Committees that run
monasteries, which are composed of monks and nuns who have ostensibly
been elected by other members of the monastic community, although
their appointment needs to be approved by local government officials.
DMCs are expected to serve the interests of the government and not
those of the monastery or nunnery's population; the system is
intended to supplant the traditional hierarchical layers of authority
in Tibetan religious institutions.
3. The wording of this figure is unclear in the original Tibetan, and
could possibly be referring to 10-30 monks, as opposed to 10-30% of monks
4. The title of a religious teacher
5. Also the title of a religious teacher; a Geshe degree is the most
advanced level of scholarship possible in the Gelugpa school of
Tibetan Buddhism, typically requiring 20 years of intense study

This report can be found online at
http://savetibet.org/news/newsitem.php?id=1341

Press contact:
Kate Saunders
Communications Director, ICT
Tel: +44 7947 138612
email: press@savetibet.org

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Woser: Banning Tibet

2008-07-31T21:57:05Z

Woeser: Banning Tibet
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Woeser on how China closed a country
Woeser
The New Statesman
July 31, 2008

A great cry, a noise that can be produced only by those who live in
the grasslands, sounded from the Tibetan lands in March 2008,
shocking the world. The Chinese media called it "the wolf howling".

When the Olympic torch passed through Lhasa, Tibetans were not
allowed to leave their homes unless they had special passes. My
friends in Lhasa wondered: "If Chinese citizens can watch the torch
when it passes through other cities, why can't we? Are we not
citizens of this country?"

Many monks have disappeared. Where are the thousands who were in the
three major monasteries in Lhasa? Where are my two young monk
friends? Last year I saw pictures of the Dalai Lama in their quiet
dormitory, filled with scents of monastery incense. Some say that
more than a thousand monks are locked up as "terrorists" in the Gobi
Desert in Golmud, Qinghai - the Guantanamo of China - and will not be
released until after the Olympics.

Buddhist ceremonies have been cancelled because the authorities fear
gatherings of monks and devotees. Many annual folk festivals have
been called off, too. When the Torch reached Qinghai, Tibetans around
Qinghai Lake were banned from worshipping mountain gods and racing
horses. The traditional layi song festival of the farming communities
of Amdo, originally scheduled for the end of July, was banned. The
Kampa Litang Horse Festival is not exempt either.

"I suppose the Olympic Games are just like our horse festival," said
a tall Kampa man, when I was visiting the area. "But we won't have a
horse festival this year."

More troops have been deployed to the Tibetan areas in Gansu and
Sichuan provinces. Roadblocks and military police are seen
everywhere. In Ganzi County alone, there are more than 70,000
soldiers - far more than the troops sent to suppress the Tibetan
rebellion in 1959. More than 10,000 soldiers have set up camp in Maqu
County, the same number as the local population. In Lhasa, everyone
must pass a loyalty test in the campaign to clean up in the aftermath
of the unrest in March. The Olympics are meaningless to Tibetans there.

Then there are the thousands of Tibetans in Beijing. Tibetan college
students have been told to go home this summer, while students at
Tibetan schools are not allowed to leave the school premises. The
Tibetan Studies Centre has given its staff a rare long holiday: even
those we call "Tibetans hired by the imperial court", meaning those
on the government payroll, are not trusted. A Tibetan tour guide who
I know was detained for a month, with no explanation whatsoever from
the police.

A Tibetan artist friend was interrogated for a day because Buddhist
scripture in Tibetan was found in his painting. My good friend Dechen
Pemba, an ethnic Tibetan who was born in London and has been studying
and working in Beijing, was deported back to the UK for reasons that
were never fully explained.

As for me, if I stay in Beijing during the Olympics, I expect to be
put under house arrest. So, should I go back to Lhasa? Friends and
relatives there tell me: "You'd better wait until after the Olympics."

Translated from the Chinese by Bessie Du.

Woeser is a Tibetan writer based in Beijing. Her blog The Middle Way
is frequently blocked and her books are banned in China

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Games won't change China's repressive ways

2008-07-31T13:18:56Z

Games won't change China's repressive ways
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
The Gazette (Canada)
July 28, 2008

Montreal -- These must be trying times for the aging autocrats who
rule China, as they prepare their nation for an invasion they
invited. More than 10,000 athletes from around the world will soon
arrive in Beijing - some are already there - for the 2008 summer
Olympics, bringing in their wake a media army several times that
size. It's a prospect intimidating enough to make the sternest
apparatchik pause and wonder if this was such a good idea after all.

But with the tone-deaf thoroughness shared by the masters of most
oppressive regimes, China's leaders are making frantic efforts to
assure that nothing goes wrong to mar their nation's moment in the
sun. And as so often happens in these cases, the more they flail
about, the worse they make things.

The regime in Beijing has already broken many of the promises it made
to the International Olympic Committee to win these the Games. Its
notion of enhancing human rights, for example, appears to consist of
setting up a couple of carefully monitored "protest pens" far from
the Games venues, where dissidents (properly licensed, of course)
will be able to air their views - as long as they don't talk about
Tibet or Darfur, that is.

In fact, according to many observers, the approach of the Games has
brought out the worst in Beijing's officials. Security officials have
been busily rounding up what they consider to be the more troublesome
dissidents and warning them to leave town until after the foreign
hordes have left. They've also clamped down on visas, to keep
international human-rights activists - or "foreign agitators," if you
prefer - from stirring things up.

Higher up the food chain, a little bullying seems to have made some
world leaders reconsider their threats not to show up for the opening
ceremonies. A "skip France" campaign, for example, which reduced
Chinese visitors to that country to a trickle, might have had
something to do with President Nicolas Sarkozy's backing down on
linking his attendance to improved human rights in Tibet.

The Games will, no doubt be dazzling - a tribute to the Chinese
people if not to their regime. And Chinese athletes will probably do
very well. Autocracies are often adept at producing squads of elite
athletes in short order.

But don't be fooled by the glitter. Despite its idealistic claims,
the Olympics will come and go, leaving behind no visible mark on the
shameful human-rights record that damages the world's perception of
China so severely and so persistently.

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

Free Tibet, say Austrailian Olympians

2008-07-31T05:56:38Z

Free Tibet, say Australian Olympians
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
The Herald Sun (Australia)
July 28, 2008

A LARGE chunk of Australia's Olympic team will enter Beijing opposed
to its occupation of Tibet.

More than one-third of athletes in the team - 35 of the 100 polled -
declared that they wanted China to withdraw from the strife-torn home
of the Dalai Lama.

Tibet has been a huge talking point among athletes in the wake of
riots and a ruthless response by Chinese authorities this year.

Tour de France cyclist Cadel Evans, perhaps now the most famous
Australian Olympian to compete at the Beijing Games - triggered world
headlines when he wore a Free Tibet T-shirt during a race in Belgium
earlier this year.

Evans recently repeated his show of support for the Tibetan cause,
wearing a Free Tibet T-shirt under the prestigious yellow jersey
preserved for leaders of the Tour de France, during stage 15 of this
year's race.

The International Olympic Committee has toughened its interpretation
of the Olympic Charter for Beijing, adding a clause banning
demonstrations or political, religious or racial propaganda.

The Chinese have been extremely sensitive about any form of Tibetan
protest, and they have banned any demonstrations on the issue.

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

Dharma of Political Action

2008-07-25T21:19:21Z

See http://thetibetconnection.org/dharmaofpolitics.html

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Hidden Cost of China's Gold Medals

2008-07-25T21:09:17Z

The Hidden Cost Behind China's Olympic Gold
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By Hua Ming
The Epoch Times
July 24, 2008

As the Beijing Olympics approaches, Chinese people hope that their
country will out do the U.S. in gold medals. According to recent
reports, China is gradually becoming the top sports country in the
world -- China is to surpass the U.S. in gold medal totals to be the
top gold medal winner in the world.

At the Athens Olympics four years ago, the Chinese Olympics
Delegation won 32 gold, 17 silver and 14 bronze medals; it was only
second to US, which had won 35 gold metals. For the forthcoming
Beijing Olympics, where expectations see China winning the majority
of all medal totals, the Chinese Olympic Delegation will send nearly
600 athletes, far exceeding 407, the number of athletes sent to Athens.

While these statistics may be exciting for the Chinese people, many
may not have considered how a country that is ranked around 100th in
the world for GDP per person can win over the U.S. -- ranking in the
top 10 countries for GDP -- to become the top sports nation in gold
metal totals. Especially for a country that still has more than 200
million living below the poverty line, some believe China's
anticipated high medal ranking represents a poor allocation of resources.

How Much for a Gold Medal?

Prior to Athens Olympic Games, an Internet article in China became
extremely popular. In "The Trap of Olympic Gold Medal," the author
exhibited astounding numbers. After the 2000 Sydney Olympic Games,
the budget for the China Sports Bureau raised from three billion yuan
($USD 439 million) to five billion yuan ($732 million) per year.
During the four years of preparation for the Athens Olympics, China
spent 20 billion yuan ($3 billion), but the expense earned China 32
gold medals, making the cost for each gold medal nearly 700 million
yuan ($102 million). Due to this high price for Olympic glory, China'
gold medals have been called "The most expensive gold medals in the world."

To put this in perspective, the article points out that the 700
million yuan used to win one Olympic gold medal can build 3500
elementary schools, rescuing 350,000 children from poverty due to
lack of education.

Such a contrast is shocking. In a country where the budget for
education, science, research and social security is extremely tight,
many believe the 700 million yuan to win one gold medal could be
better spent. Like an exploding bomb, "The Trap of Olympic Gold
Medal" received an enormous response from across Chinese society. Of
course while gold medals are something people look forward to, some
are beginning to think that the cost is too high.

Funded by a Billion Taxpayers

Although the General Administration of Sports of China never
publicized all the numbers invested in preparation of Olympic Games,
Bao Mingxiao, Head of Center for Sports and Social Science Research
under the Administration estimated that the country invests
approximately four to five million yuan ($590,000–$730,000) on one
Olympic athlete. Assuming there are 400 athletes in China's Olympic
Delegation, the total cost is between 1.6 to 2.0 billion yuan ($234
million to $292 million). Convert the investment for each gold medal
based on the 32 won in the last Olympics, and the cost for one gold
medal is 500-600 million yuan ($73 million to $87 million).

Chinese track star Liu Xiang won a 110-meter hurdle at the Athens
Olympics. Before this, his annual expense was about three million
yuan, which included an environmentally-friendly running course for
over a million yuan and several hundred thousand yuan for a new set
of hurdles. The amount China spent on Liu Xiang could equal several
hundreds even thousands of Elementary Schools of Hope—charity schools
for kids in poor areas of China.

Wu Shouzhang, vice chairman of China's Olympic Committee commented
that the total cost for this endeavor is very difficult to calculate.
He adds that, besides Liu, there are also medical doctors,
scientists, nutritionists, field workers, document workers, as well
as early investments made by Shanghai, Liu's home city.

According to the "Report on China's Olympic Gold Medal" issued by the
China Branding Research Institute, the commercial value for Liu
Xiang's gold metal was worth 461 million yuan ($67.5 million) last year.

Weighing Priorities: Gold Medals or People's Livelihood?

How do people feel about a country with a per capita GDP ranked more
than 100 in the world striving to become a sports superpower? "If we
become number one in the world, how can we speak of our pride?"
lamented one Internet user. "Can we say to the people, whose basic
freedoms cannot even be guaranteed, that we are number one in the
world? Can we say to the tens of thousands of migrant workers, who
have to work over ten hours a day all year round, yet cannot even
have their salary guaranteed, that we are number one in the world?"

This Internet user believes that a huge number of gold medals
represent "a diseased inverted pyramid type of sport system. It has
nothing to do with the sporting achievements enjoyed by common
people. Primary and junior high schools at basic level cannot even
provide students any fields for athletics. Sporting facilities for
the masses are almost nonexistent in the countryside."

Renowned Taiwanese writer Lung Ying-tai questioned how China gained
its 32 gold medals. She found that the country used a huge amount of
taxpayer money to set up sport schools at various levels. In
comparison, with other sports superpowers such as the U.S., Germany,
and Japan, the majority of their achievements are display of the
results from across the entire population.

China's situation is just the reverse. There are many sports venues,
but they are not open to general public. Rather they are only
reserved for a few specific people. China has an amazing sports
budget, but it doesn't go to national athletic programs. Instead it
is used to train a few medal winning stars. Western countries use
competitions to encourage athletic excellence for all, and to improve
citizens' health. In China, competitions are for publicizing Chinese
regime's prestige to the outside world. They seem to have little
interest in promoting the health of its citizens.

So does the Chinese regime believe that gold medals are more
important or people's livelihood? "We've been asking this question
for some time," say human rights activists, "and the consideration
has those who see the truth demanding: 'Human Rights before Olympics'!"

Olympic Projects: A Source for Corruption

Moreover, many Chinese officials spent large portion of public funds
to inspect abroad in the name of the Olympics. The audit storm in
2004 exposed the scandal of General Administration of Sports of China
appropriating Olympic special funds to build houses. Hence some
Internet users exclaimed, "Olympics, Olympics, how many corruptions
are undertaken in your name!"

According to an Associated Press report, Beijing Vice-mayor Liu
Zhihua -- who oversaw the Olympic construction projects costing 280
billion yuan ($US 41 billion) -- was under investigation for
corruption. He was dismissed in June 2006.

Observers point out that Liu had an opportunity to gain a large
amount of ill-gotten gains just before and right after Olympic
construction began. The bidding process alone could make him very rich.

China's Olympic project is a major endeavor overseen by the Chinese
regime. This authoritarian regime does not allow independent
judiciary or media supervision, so power monopolization and
behind-the-scenes deals are common. Without freedom of the press and
media supervision, the oversight is Chinese communist's own
anti-corruption system. In such a situation, embezzlement is common.
In reality, no one can know just how much Chinese taxpayers have paid
for a single gold medal. Yet one thing is certain: while these gold
medals give prosperity to corrupt officials and a few elite athletes,
the Chinese people who paid for them will not benefit from it at all.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Civil Rights, Honesty lacking in Olympic host

2008-07-23T21:56:56Z

Civil Rights, Honesty Lacking In Olympic Host
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Agam Gecko
July 20, 2008

Is the Chinese government sincere about addressing the Tibet issue? A
better question might be, "Is the Chinese government ever sincere
about anything?"

After half a century of misrule in Tibet, the total failure of
Chinese policy is evident to all but the holders of that policy.
After major uprisings in 1959, 1987-89 and 2008 (with innumerable
less known events affirming Tibetan national identity throughout the
period), world leaders pressed China to deal with the problem
sincerely. That there is a problem is beyond question.

After two meetings between Chinese and Tibetan exile officials (since
the outbreak of the latest crisis), a Chinese official made plain
that as far as the "People's" Republic is concerned, only a single
narrow issue is on the table -- the personal future of His Holiness
the Dalai Lama. Nothing else will ever be considered.

One would expect such a bombshell announcement to have penetrated the
world's halls of power, and reached at least some of those who have
lately cited "progress" between the two sides. It seems not to have
done so. Only the Tibetans are willing to state the inconvenient
truth, while everyone else looks the other way.

On July 15, speaking to reporters at the European Parliament in
Brussels, one of the Tibetan envoys to China stated the obvious.

"We do not see any useful purpose in continuing the dialogue, since
there is obviously a lack of political will from the Chinese
leadership to seriously address the issue of Tibet," said the envoy,
Kelsang Gyaltsen.

This statement is objectively true, and proven so by China itself.
Straight from the horse's mouthpiece, Xinhuanet:

"He stressed that the contacts and dialogues were about Dalai Lama's
personal future, not so-called "China-Tibet negotiation" or "dialogue
between Han and Tibetan people"

Nothing could be clearer. The sky is blue; the sun is hot; China is
insincere. It's like a law of nature, as long as the CCP runs the place.

In a shocking display of insincerity, on July 17 China rejected the
notion that it is insincere, clearly smarting from the implication
that its own standard complaint about Dalai Lama actually applies
more accurately to itself.

"The central government is sincere about holding contact with the
Dalai side," foreign ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao told reporters.

China perpetually issues demands to the Dalai Lama, and he just as
continually meets (and even exceeds) them. Their permanent response
to his goodwill, is to claim that his statements are "insincere."
While he goes around the world, proving that he means what he says at
every possible opportunity, it's never enough for the Chinese.

To make plain the depth (and longevity) of the Chinese insincerity,
the Office of the Dalai Lama issued a statement, which says in part:

"In fact, when the Chinese Government made a five-point proposal in
1981 which included that "the Dalai Lama will enjoy the same
political status and living conditions as he had before 1959", His
Holiness categorically made it clear to the Chinese leadership that
the issue at stake was the well-being of six million Tibetans, and he
personally had nothing to ask of the Central Chinese government.

For at least 27 years, the CCP has clearly known that the issue of
Tibet has nothing to do with the personal future of His Holiness. Yet
they assure the world that they sincerely want to meet with the
Tibetans, but only for discussion of that one thing that they know
doesn't matter at all.

The generally tongue-tied IOC, after being shamed by Chinese
occupation officials in Lhasa who launched hysterically political
diatribes at the "politics-free" official torch ceremony, expressed
dismay at this blazing hypocrisy and "hoped it wouldn't happen
again." It's been the only occasion of the IOC showing any sort of
principle in the face of all the broken promises of better human
rights, media freedom, etc. made during Beijing's campaign for this honour.

On July 17, Jacques Rogge, the IOC President, announced that his
"silent diplomacy" had resulted in new Chinese laws to protect child
labourers, media rights, the Olympic projects' dispossessed people,
and the environment.

"For the first time, foreign media will be able to report freely and
publish their work freely in China. There will be no censorship on
the Internet."

That's a pretty bold statement to make, "no censorship." He has
received "very strong assurances." Right. Like that's never happened before.

Call me cynical, but I don't expect "no censorship of the Internet"
to happen by August 8. Keep an eye on the live "China Internet
Censorship Index" button, added to our sidebar a few days ago. A
range of websites are continually tested from within China to gauge
the Internet's status there. Zero would be a complete Internet
shutdown, 100 would represent no censorship at all. The day I put it
up, the index was at 32.5. Click the button to get more about the methodology.

Beijing may claim to be welcoming the world next month, but as its
actions make clear, it doesn't consider Tibetans, Uyghurs or
Mongolians to be part of that world. If you happen to be a young
Uyghur family with a baby daughter, expect to get the Mary and Joseph
treatment.

"Most of the hotel clerks, mistaking them for foreigners, welcomed
them and offered a room. But when the couple pulled out their
identity cards, the clerks realized they were Muslim Uyghurs from
China. And then the response was always the same: Sorry, no room at the inn."

Of course Han Chinese are not treated that way when they go to
Xinjiang, where they now outnumber the locals.

A young British woman was recently subjected to the swiftest
deportation procedure imaginable. She stepped out of her apartment to
find security agents waiting for her. After letting her grab a change
of clothes, confiscating her Olympics tickets and her bank account
(and all belongings in the apartment), around 30 state agents mounted
the operation to get her to the airport and out of the country.

How could a British citizen (with a valid visa and work permit, no
less) be treated this way by a country claiming to be "welcoming the
world"? That's easy: Dechen Pemba has a Tibetan heritage. Citizenship
matters little to a regime which puts such a high premium on "race."
Hotels in Beijing have been told not to accept Tibetans, Uyghurs or Mongolians.

During this high-security operation, Dechen Pemba was even refused
her right to call her embassy. The entire episode was video-taped by
(in)security officials, probably not for use in the next "Beijing
Welcomes the World" advertisement.

The Chinese later claimed she was a member of the Tibetan Youth
Congress, which Beijing falsely claims as a terror group. Dechen
says, "It's amazing the things they just make up. It's absolutely not
true." Once again, the inimitable Liu Jianchao:

"Dechen Pemba, a key member of the splittist organisation the Tibetan
Youth Congress and a British citizen, took part in activities against
the law of China during her stay, and has been deported," he said.

As is the standard procedure for the CCP, anything can be justified
with hysterical accusations lacking a shred of evidence. Dechen had
repeatedly asked these officials what she had done wrong. The only
answer they could give was, "You know what you've done." They had no
idea either! However, the pudgy spokesperson falsely claims that she
had admitted to "activities against Chinese laws".

That guy has no shame in openly lying. Which should bring into
serious question his assurance of China's "sincerity" noted earlier.
The United Kingdom must respond to this outrageous treatment of its citizen.

Tibetans, Uyghurs, Mongolians, British -- is anyone else unwelcome at
the Welcome to the World event? After earlier incidents in which a
young American was attacked while crowds shouted "Kill him! Kill the
Frenchman!" and a French student was assaulted by a Chinese gang on a
Shanghai subway and told "You are not welcome here," many foreign
residents have been getting a similar (though less physical) attitude
from Chinese officialdom. With a policy that aims to "keep dangerous
forces outside the country," people such as English teachers are
feeling picked on. Who knew that conjugating verbs could be so subversive?

For the "leadership" of China, this is the silencing season. No
naysayers are allowed, and anything that might prove embarrassing
will be off the menu. Racism, however, is decidedly on the menu.

Bar owners in Beijing are now being forced to sign pledges to ban
"black people" and Mongolians from their establishments. Question:
Wasn't it the apartheid laws which disqualified South Africa from
Olympic participation not so many years ago? Can we now disqualify
China, or is there a double standard somewhere?

"Bar owners near the Workers Stadium in central Beijing say they have
been forced by Public Security Bureau officials to sign pledges
agreeing not to let black people enter their premises," the South
China Morning Post reported yesterday.

It quoted the co-owner of a bar who said that a group of police had
recently visited his establishment to order it "not to serve black
people or Mongolians."

In the Sanlitun bar district, owners are required to sign promises to
prohibit certain activities, including dancing and serving black
customers, according to SCMP. Mongolian women are perceived as
"prostitutes" and Africans are perceived as "drug dealers."

"In a notorious incident last September, dozens of black people were
detained by police in a raid on bars in the Sanlitun district.

"Witnesses said the police rounded up all the black people they could
find, up to three dozen in total, and beat some of them with rubber
truncheons."

In that incident, the son of the ambassador from Grenada was clubbed
on the head, sending him to hospital.

A businesswoman from Liberia tells of two-tiered pricing at a popular
nightclub; the entrance fee for "black people" is twice as high as
for anyone else. Those who really wanted to go inside and paid the
double price, were prohibited from sitting at the tables. Bar-raids
on establishments patronized by Africans frequently include urine
tests for all customers. Black people are asked to present their
passport before entry to some clubs, while other foreigners are not.

The Liberian lady knows what is behind all this discriminatory treatment.

"When the police come, you have to run," she said. "I've lived in
Holland and the United States and it was never like this. There's no
human rights here. It's racist and it makes me feel very bad."

China's leaders need to learn a civil rights lesson given many years
ago (40 years, to be exact). Here are two short video pieces from the
producers of Salute the Movie. Keep this in mind when you see "T for
Tibet" next month.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

TYC protests during Olympics

2008-07-23T06:27:56Z

TYC to launch second "Tibetan People's Mass Movement," vows
protests during Beijing Olympics
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By Phurbu Thinley
Phayul
July 21, 2008

Tibetan Youth Congress readies to launch its second phase of the
Tibetan People's Mass Movement ahead of the 2008 Beijing Olympics and
vows series of protests before and during the Games and reiterated
its call on International community to "Boycott Beijing 2008
Olympics," saying "No Olympics in China until Tibet is Independent."

Dharamsala, July 21: With 2008 Summer Olympics due to begin in
Beijing in less than three weeks, Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC) today
announced it would launch the second phase of its "Tibetan People's
Mass Movement" ahead of the Games to highlight the issue of Tibet and
its people's plight.

The Tibetan youth body, which struggles for the restoration of
Tibet's independence and decisively opposes Beijing's right to host
the prestigious international sporting event because of its
"appalling Human rights record" and its ongoing oppression on Tibetan
people in their homeland, also vowed to stage series of protests
worldwide before and during the Beijing Games.

"We have consistently stood by 'No Olympics in China until Tibet is
Free' right from the start when China was given the right to host the
Games in 2001," TYC president Mr Tsewang Rigzin said during a press
conference at the organisation's head office here.

The organisation, which claims over 30,000 members worldwide, plans
to first launch an "Indefinite Fast for Tibet -- without Food and
Water" on July 28 in New Delhi before formally launching the second
phase of the "Tibetan People's Mass Movement" on August 7, on the eve
of the 2008 Beijing Olympics.

"To protest against the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games and the continuing
colonial occupation of Tibet by China, Tibetan Youth Congress will
launch and "Indefinite Fast for Tibet -- without Food and Water" on
28th July, 2008 at New Delhi as part of the Tibetan People's Mass
Movement," Mr Rigzin said.

The youth congress leader, however, insisted that his organisation's
activities would be based on the "principles of nonviolence and
Gandhi's tradition of 'satyagraha' (Insistence on Truth)."

"TYC will begin Tibetan People's Mass Demonstration on 7 August, 2008
based on the principles of nonviolence and Gandhi's tradition of
'satyagraha' (Insistence on Truth)" Mr Tsewang said, however,
declining to give specific details of the number of participants and
the exact venue for the entire protests. He said the details would be
revealed later at an "appropriate time" for specific campaigns.
.
"TYC will also organise many other campaigns throughout the
Olympics," Rigzin said, adding "With the start of 'Indefinite Fast
for Tibet -- without Food and Water' in New Delhi, all regional
chapters of TYC will organize campaign against Beijing Olympics in
their respective regions throughout the world."

According to Rigzin, TYC's decision to carry out the second Phase of
the movement before the Beijing Olympic Games was made according to
the resolutions passed during the organisation's General Body Meeting
held in September 2007 at Dharamsala and the Annual Working Committee
Meeting in July 2008 at Manali.

TYC's first Tibetan People's Mass Movement against China was launched
in the Indian capital, New Delhi, on August 8 last year to mark a
one-year countdown to the Beijing Olympics. Over 25,000 Tibetans from
India, Nepal and other countries are said to have taken part in it.
The movement somehow turned out to be the single biggest protest
gathering of Tibetans in exile and largest since the Tibetan uprising
in Lhasa, Tibet's capital city, in 1959.

The first phase of the Movement, marked by a day-long peaceful
demonstration, was disrupted, however, with the then TYC president
calling on Tibetan demonstrators for its immediate end. With it an
indefinite hunger strike by 14 Tibetans that began earlier on July 8
and continuing on its 33rd day was also ended.

The then TYC leaders described the People's Mass Movement "an effort
to bring about a renewed vigour and vitality in the Tibetan movement"
and called it a "departure from the traditional approach of appealing
to the international community for support" by "putting direct
pressure on the Government of People's Republic of China (PRC) by
creating a situation where they have no choice but to respond" to
their stated demands. The organisation's executive members also vowed
to resume the mass movement's second phase at a later appropriate time.

Reacting to China's allegations calling TYC a Terrorist organisation
engaged in violent activities, Mr Rigizn said the accusations are
baseless devoid of any evidence. "In our almost 40 years of struggle
for Tibet's independence since TYC was formed in 1970, we have always
adopted peaceful and non-violent strategic methods to achieve our
goal," he said.

"The Chinese people deserve to host the Olympic Games but what the
Tibetans and the Chinese people deserve more now is freedom; freedom
of speech, of religion, of association, of equal opportunity, or
electing their own government, of feeling safe in their own homes,"
Mr Tsewang said of the Beijing's right to host the games.

"The day might not be far when Tibet will again be an independent
nation and the Chinese people would be free from the inhuman
communist regime, only then it will be the right time for Beijing to
host the prestigious Olympic Games. But not now," he said. "Not while
the butchers of 1.2 million Tibetans remain in power. Not while the
communist butchers of 70 million Chinese remain in power," Tsewang added.

For him Olympics are a "symbol of freedom and peace, an international
event where friendship and brotherhood are celebrated" through sport.
He accused the International Olympic Committee of breaching the
ideals of the Olympics by honouring China with the right to host the games.

Tibetan Youth Congress is the largest Tibetan non-governmental
orgainisation outside Tibet and seeks to restore Tibet's
independence, a stand opposed to the "middle-way approach" seeking
"real and meaningful autonomy" for Tibet as advocated by the exiled
Tibetan Leader the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government-in-exile.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------
3. Tibetan People's Mass Movement: Second Phase
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Tibetan People's Mass Movement
Phayul
July 21, 2008

No in Olympics China until Tibet is Independent

To protest against the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games and the continuing
colonial occupation of Tibet by China, Tibetan Youth Congress will
launch an "Indefinite Fast for Tibet - without Food and Water" on
28th July, 2008 at New Delhi as part of the Tibetan People's Mass
Movement. TYC will also organize many other campaigns throughout the
Olympics. Over 25,000 Tibetans from all over the world gathered on
08th August, 2007 in New Delhi to support the demands laid down by
the 14 Tibetans who were on an 'Indefinite Hunger Strike unto death'
for 33 days. TYC passed resolutions during its General Body Meeting
in September 2007 at Dharamshala and Annual Working Committee Meeting
in July 2008 at Manali to carry out the second phase of "Tibetan
People's Mass Movement" before Beijing Olympic Games.

Demands:

* Immediate end to the brutal suppression of Tibetans inside Tibet
and unconditional release of all the Tibetan political prisoners.

* Convincing evidence to prove the well-being and whereabouts of His
Holiness the Gedun Choekyi Nyima (the 11th Panchen Lama of Tibet).

* Allow independent and neutral international fact finding
delegation, media and humanitarian organizations to assess the
current situation inside Tibet.

* Immediate end to dumping of nuclear and toxic waste in Tibet and
stop plundering of Tibet's natural resources.

* Immediately end the demographic aggression of Chinese settlers into Tibet.

We appeal:

* To all world leaders to boycott the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics

* To all athletes to return Beijing's blood stained medals and podium
protest to show your solidarity with the Tibetans.

* To seek a meeting with the IOC President or his representatives to
update the IOC on the current grim situation inside Tibet.

* International community to Boycott Beijing 2008 Olympics.

The recent pro -- independence demonstrations in Tibet will go down
in history as yet another example of man's indomitable spirit in
fighting against tyranny and oppression. The unanimous call for "Long
Live the Dalai Lama", "Independence for Tibet" and "Release Panchen
Lama" from Tibetans inside Tibet in all the three traditional
provinces of Tibet are the true aspirations of the six million
Tibetans. Their courageous defiance against the colonial Chinese
regime by shedding their blood brought to fore the deeply held
resentment Tibetans feel against the repressive and discriminating
policies of the Chinese Communist Party since 1949.

Olympics are a symbol of freedom and peace, an international event
where friendship and brotherhood is celebrated. It is a tradition
that brings the world under a single umbrella embodying peace and
harmony through sport. But the International Olympic Committee (IOC)
went against its ideals and made the biggest blunder by awarding this
prestigious event to the illegal Communist Chinese regime that is
responsible for the killings of over one million Tibetans, the
illegal Communist Chinese regime that has razed over 6000 Tibetan
monasteries to the ground, the illegal Communist Chinese regime that
has flooded Tibet with Chinese reducing Tibetans to an insignificant
minority in our own country.

With the start of "Indefinite Fast for Tibet - without Food and
Water" in New Delhi, all regional chapters of TYC will organize
campaign against Beijing Olympics in their respective regions
throughout the world. TYC will begin Tibetan People's Mass
demonstration on 07th August, 2008, based on the principles of
nonviolence and Gandhi's tradition of "satyagraha" (insistence on truth).

The Chinese people deserve to host the Olympic Games but what the
Tibetans and the Chinese people deserve more now is freedom; freedom
of speech, of religion, of association, of equal opportunity, of
electing their own government, of feeling safe in their own homes.
The day might not be far when Tibet will again be an independent
nation and the Chinese people would be free from the inhuman
communist regime, only then it will be the right time for Beijing to
host the prestigious Olympic Games. But not now. Not while the
butchers of 1.2 million Tibetans remain in power. Not while the
communist butchers of 70 million Chinese remain in power.

We request responsible citizens and governments worldwide to stand up
against China's appalling human rights record in Tibet and boycott
Beijing Olympics. We request all freedom loving people of the free
world to raise your voice for the freedom of the peace loving Tibetan
people and help us restore our lost Independence.

Issued by: The Office of Central Executive Committee, Tibetan Youth Congress

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Red flares for Tibet

2008-07-23T06:25:54Z

08/08/08: red flares for Tibet joined by red candles all over the world
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
MountEverest.net
July 22, 2008

Friday August 8 at 1 pm, hundreds of red flares will be lit on top of
mountains, hills, skyscrapers, and other monuments in Europe, America
(North and South) and Asia.

This will be the second (and final) step of project Sad Smoky
Mountains, conceived by Alberto Peruffo and Fattoria Artistica
Antersass. One day earlier, on August 7, people around the world will
also light a candle in solidarity with the people of Tibet.

The two initiatives, Sadsmokymountains.net and candle4tibet.org have
now merged to send an even stronger message, creating a "Light
Protest" on a world scale.

Interestingly enough, the final ignition happens to take place not
only on the Chinese Olympics inauguration, but also on a date that
spells out 08/08/08.

Number eight is very important to Buddhists. Right Association; Right
Knowledge; Right Effort; Right Mindfulness; Right Speech, Right
Behavior, Right Absorption and the Right Livelihood are the 8 truths
of the Dharma wheel.

You might recall ExWeb's story Eighteen-fold Path to Chomolungma
Nirvana -- the Routes of Mount Everest where Pete Poston borrows from
Siddhartha Gautama's Noble Eightfold Path describing the way to
understanding the truth about all things. Together with the Four
Noble Truths it constitutes the gist of Buddhism.

Find details on Sadsmokymountains.net if you want to join. All it
takes is a red flare or a red candle, a camera and...the right effort!

Berlin, Paris, New York, Rome - Italian artist/climber Alberto
Peruffo wants red flares lit in all these cities. The simple civil
action will result in a monumental work of art and you are invited:
lit a red flare on a high terrace or roof of any skyscraper, ancient
architectural structure or tall building anywhere in the world. Send
the pic to Alberto.

The title of the resulting poster will be "Lit Your Own Flame" and
the manifest, along with other art forms planned for the event, will
be an alternative to the Chinese Olympic torch, with the red smoke
around the world aimed to show global support for human rights and Tibet.

The project has grown into a mega event. On May 11 - in the first
ignition phase - more than 100 summits were involved.

Final Ignition is set for the official Olympics inauguration day,
August 8th, 2008, regardless of weather. At 1 pm local time,
synchronized (as far as possible) flares will smoke from mountains
tops, hills, in cities, on and around monuments.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Olympic Countdown

2008-07-20T19:27:07Z

Olympic Countdown
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
The Washington Post - Editorial
07/19/2008

With three weeks remaining until the opening of the Olympic Games,
China's Communist leadership is relentlessly pursuing a strategy doomed
to failure. Through censorship, visa restrictions, intimidation and
brute repression, China's leadership is trying to prevent any public
expression by Chinese citizens or foreign visitors that conflicts with
the image it wishes to project to the world - that of a "harmonious"
society. In pursuit of this goal, China is blatantly violating the
promises it made when it was awarded the Games, including that it would
allow unrestricted media coverage. And it is setting itself up for a
political and public relations disaster when - as seems inevitable - a
dissident message evades its censors and security thugs.

To fulfill its pledge to the International Olympic Committee, the
government of Hu Jintao lifted some restrictions on foreign journalists
in January last year. Last week, under pressure from the IOC, it agreed
to allow live satellite uplinks from Beijing. But as the Games approach,
intimidation of both the international and domestic media has
intensified. Many visas for journalists seeking to travel to China
before the Games have been withheld; correspondents based in China have
been warned that negative coverage may cause their news organizations to
lose accreditation for the Olympics. According to Human Rights Watch, 10
foreign correspondents, including representatives of the Associated
Press, USA Today and The Wall Street Journal, have received death
threats because of their reporting on the recent violence in Tibet.
Travel to Tibet remains severely restricted.

Chinese who question the official Olympic narrative have been treated
far more harshly. Two prominent critics, Hu Jia and Yang Chunlin, were
sentenced to prison this year after they tried to link the Beijing
Olympics with China's human rights record. Dozens of other writers and
dissidents have been jailed, placed under de facto house arrest or
ordered to leave Beijing before Aug. 8, when the Games begin. When Reps.
Frank Wolf, R-Va., and Christopher Smith, R-N.J., traveled there this
month with a list of 734 political prisoners, civil rights lawyers with
whom they tried to meet were detained or prevented from leaving their homes.

Beijing has heavily pressured the IOC and many Western governments to
prevent athletes from criticizing China or its foreign policies during
the Games. But the regime itself has not sworn off political statements.
When the Olympic torch passed through the Tibetan capital of Lhasa last
month, the local Communist Party leader delivered a speech excoriating
the Dalai Lama and proclaiming that "China's red flag ... will forever
flutter" above Tibet.

Too many foreign leaders, including President Bush, have chosen to
tolerate this behavior without protest. Bush has confirmed that he will
join Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe and Cuba's Raul Castro in attending the
Opening Ceremonies because he wishes "to cheer on our athletes" and
because to do otherwise "would be an affront to the Chinese people." In
fact, Bush is affronting those Chinese who have bravely tried to resist
the regime's steamrolling of all dissent. And what if an intrepid
protester manages to raise his or her voice for Tibet or religious
freedom or an end to China's sponsorship of genocide in Darfur and is
swarmed by the regime's thugs? What if Western media seeking to cover
such an event are censored? We can only hope that in that event, Bush
will stop cheering.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Big Brother Versus YouTube: Let the Beijing Games Commence

2008-07-20T19:23:01Z

Big Brother Versus YouTube: Let the Beijing Games Commence
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
By Leonard, Mark
istockAnalyst.com, OR
Story Source: Spectator, The; London
Saturday, July 19, 2008

'For years we couldn't wait for the Olympics to start. Now we can't wait
for them to be over.' That is how a Chinese friend described the
horrible limbo in Beijing as a control-freak state tries to anticipate
and eliminate any possible challenges to its glorious coming-out party
on the 8th of the 8th, 2008. It is clear to any visitor to the Chinese
capital that while China hopes to clean up the medals tables, the
sporting contest is at best a sideshow to the real Olympic competition
-- the battle to define how China is seen by its citizens and the world
outside. For the Chinese people the Olympics are the final proof that
China has reclaimed its rightful place in the global premier league;
putting behind it two centuries of humiliation at the hands of foreign
invaders. For the world outside, the Games are meant to embody an
official narrative of China as a 'harmonious society'. The organisers
had promised the trinity of a 'green Olympics', a 'high- tech Olympics'
and a 'people-centred Olympics', designed to show off China as a beacon
of economic prowess and modernity that has traded pariah status for
global respectability. But as China ricochets from one PR disaster to
the next -- with stories about sweatshops combining with Tibet and
Beijing's choking pollution -- the authorities are now trying to manage
expectations downwards with a focus on the more modest goal of a 'safe
Olympics', flooding the city and its environs with security forces
primed to thwart potential terrorist attacks.

The Chinese Communist Party combines a laser-like focus on detail with
awe-inspiring ambitions for the big picture. Where other Olympic cities
like Athens or Sydney were kept desperately busy just completing
building work on stadiums and transport links, Beijing's concern extends
from controlling the weather to micromanaging the behaviour of its
citizens. Last year, when the Chinese government hosted the tenth
anniversary of the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation -- an alliance of
autocrats which Beijing and Moscow have formed with five central Asian
republics -- the authorities treated the occasion as a dry run for the
Games. They seeded clouds to prevent rain; sent police along the major
streets removing washing lines and unseemly clutter; and declared a
public holiday to decrease congestion. The organisers of the Olympics
are going even further -- wiping out entire neighbourhoods to
accommodate Olympic buildings, closing factories to reduce pollution,
running 'public education campaigns' against spitting, appointing 1,500
'civilised bus-riding supervisors' and holding 'queueing awareness
days'. Visas for foreigners have been curtailed to stop human rights
protesters from entering the country; Chinese activists imprisoned or
kept under surveillance; security checkpoints set up on roads around
Beijing; and foreign governments bullied to attend the opening ceremony
(more on this later).

The awesome preparations show how ludicrous it is to suppose that sports
and politics can be kept apart. The truth is that in China almost
everything is political -- it is less than a decade since the Communist
Party allowed people to get married without asking the permission of
their local party secretary -- and anyone who studies the history will
realise how central sports have been to the construction of the Chinese
nation. For Sun Yat-sen -- the founder of modern China -- sports were
seen as a literal solution to China's plight as the 'sick man of Asia';
Chiang Kai-shek's nationalists talked of 'training strong bodies for the
nation' in order to defeat Japan; Mao Tse-tung continued the tradition
by putting a military man in charge of his first national sports
commission in 1952; Chou En-lai used ping-pong diplomacy to engage
Richard Nixon in the 1970s; and China's original bid for the 2000
Olympics (which was blocked on human rights grounds) was designed to
heal the damage from the Tiananmen massacre. During each of these
episodes, politicians have micromanaged every aspect of China's sporting
progress (Chou En-lai even personally put together the national
table-tennis team and coached it in diplomatic etiquette, urging its
players to put 'friendship first, competition second').

But in spite of all the preparation, the Beijing authorities have
sometimes been dazzled by the blinding lights of prime-time exposure.

Although the authorities provoked the attention, they often did not know
how to handle it. That is because for most of the last few decades,
Beijing's foreign policy was driven by a determined quest to keep a low
profile. Deng Xiaoping, the architect of China's opening and reform
policy, declared that China must 'hide its brightness', avoid
controversy and focus on growing its economy. He feared that China would
be seen as a threat by the rest of the world and that other countries
would gang up to prevent its rise. But with the Olympic Games, Chinese
strategists have moved from seeking invisibility to actively trying to
shape their country's image through a mixture of charm and steel.

The most fashionable theory in Chinese think-tanks is the American
academic Joseph Nye's theory of 'soft power' -- the idea that a country
can assert itself not only through the 'hard power' of military and
economic coercion, but the attractiveness of its ideas, its culture and
the political institutions it builds. Beijing has tried to build up its
own soft power by sharing its development expertise while stressing its
commitment to multilateralism and peaceful integration (in contrast to
Washington's neo-liberalism, unilateralism and imperial urge). And it
has used a battery of public diplomacy techniques -- from international
TV stations to cultural institutes -- to promote a 'Chinese Dream' as an
alternative to the American Dream. The Olympics is the most dramatic ad
for this new China.

When its charm offensive fails, Beijing has been adept at bullying
foreign governments to temper their criticism. When I was in Beijing in
May, French diplomats were reeling from a 'Skip France' campaign
organised by the Beijing municipal authorities. According to their
account, Chinese tourists who wished to travel to France were told that
tickets were not available and visa applications dropped from 300 a day
to just ten. Chinese foreign policy experts explained to me that the
goal was to punish Nicolas Sarkozy for saying that his attendance at the
Olympics would depend on the human rights situation in Tibet. It worked.

Last week, Sarkozy announced he would attend the opening ceremony to
'deepen [France's] strategic partnership with China'.

China has found Western NGOs (nongovernmental agencies) less compliant
than their national governments. When, on 8 August 2007, the Beijing
Olympic Committee started the official countdown to the Games with a
giant clock in Tiananmen Square, the limelight was stolen by an
unofficial event launched by a group of Canadian activists.

These protesters had climbed on to the Great Wall of China and unfurled
a banner saying 'One World, One Dream, Free Tibet'. In the last few
months there have been campaigns by activists for human rights,
supporters of the banned Falun Gong spiritual movement, persecuted
peasants and environmentalists. Of all the campaigns, the most visible
one was the 'genocide Olympics' campaign over China's role in Sudan
which attracted support from Mia Farrow and Steven Spielberg.

But to the surprise of outside observers, criticism from Western NGOs
seems to have bolstered rather than undermined the regime's popularity
at home. Although discontent is simmering below the surface -- there
were 87,000 protests last year alone -- Chinese citizens and
intellectuals are more focused on inequality and corruption than the
concerns of the Western campaigners, which they interpret as support for
'separatism', 'cults', or a desire to keep China down. Moreover, China's
government has successfully mobilised the swelling patriotism of its
citizens in campaigns against Western interference, such as the boycott
of the French supermarket chain Carrefour.

Many in the West had hoped that giving the Olympics to China would -- in
the words of the Beijing Olympic Bid Committee's Liu Jingmin -- 'help
the development of human rights'. Some predicted that repressive laws
would be lifted, political prisoners freed and the media given new
freedoms. But human rights activists tell a different story about
crackdowns on protesters in Tibet, the imprisonment of activists such as
the land rights campaigner Yang Chunlin, housing rights campaigners Ye
Guozhu and Wang Ling, and the celebrated anti-Aids activist and blogger
Hu Jia. They also claim that the runup to the Games has seen a growing
phalanx of people held under house arrest because of vague crimes such
as 'separatism' or 'subversion'. As Amnesty International says: 'It was
hoped that the Games would act as a catalyst for reform but much of the
current wave of repression against activists and journalists is
occurring not in spite of, but actually because of the Olympics.' The
outside world tends to talk about how revolutionary economic reforms
have gone hand in hand with political stagnation. But the Olympics shows
that China has modernised its politics as much as its economy -- just
not in the direction of liberal democracy. The state has largely
withdrawn from people's everyday lives, giving Chinese citizens
unprecedented freedoms to consume and organise their professional and
personal development. But this growing freedom in the personal realm has
been matched with an increasingly sophisticated control of the public
sphere. In the 1980s, many Chinese intellectuals supported multiparty
elections and the separation of the party from the government. But since
Tiananmen, political reform has taken on a new meaning. While there are
still prominent thinkers -- such as the political scientist Yu Keping --
who believe in the country's incremental embrace of democracy, many
modern intellectuals argue that China would be better to avoid elections
altogether and instead focus on introducing the rule of law while making
the one-party state more responsive. The last few years have seen the
party use opinion polls, focus groups and public consultations to put
the one-party state in touch with public opinion. What is emerging is
not Western-style democracy, but a high- tech model of 'deliberative
dictatorship' that has increased the legitimacy of the one-party state,
and lessened calls for genuine democracy.

But though the Olympics will strengthen the Beijing government's
standing at home, it is likely to weaken it abroad. Maybe the big story
of the 2008 Olympics will not be of Beijing's 'Big Brother' watching its
citizens, but rather the story of thousands of journalists and fans
watching Big Brother, and recording its every move on mobile phones,
cameras and blogposts. In an interesting new book, Owning the Olympics:
Narratives of the New China, the academics Monroe Price and Daniel Dayan
claim that the development of new technologies such as digital cameras
and the internet site YouTube could turn the surveillance society
against itself.

In the past, we have defined surveillance as the powerful monitoring the
powerless; the use of information technology by state institutions to
monitor individuals. But increasingly, the availability of new
technology allows individuals to monitor the state institutions
themselves. The authors use the phrase 'sousveillance' -- French for
monitoring from below -- to capture a new phenomenon where the powerful
can be filmed and held to account for their actions in the court of
public opinion. Sousveillance famously made an appearance with the
beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, the hanging of Saddam Hussein in
2006 and the protests in Burma in 2007. But the Beijing Olympics could
take this to an industrial scale. The Beijing authorities could see all
their painstaking attempts to show a kinder, gentler image to the world
overturned by some rogue footage of an overzealous security official
responding to protesters captured on a mobile phone or digital camera.

The stakes for the Beijing authorities could not be higher. The Olympic
genie will never be put back into the bottle. Beijing will find that its
actions on the world stage continue to be held up to minute scrutiny
long after the Games are over. They will need to get used to prime-time
attention. Moreover, with George Bush on the way out and the promise of
an American Renaissance under President Obama, global public opinion and
journalists are on the look-out for a new bogeyman to blame for the
world's ills. In the last few months the media has grown accustomed to
criticising China for its policies on Burma, Sudan, Tibet, Zimbabwe and
climate change.

If the authorities in Beijing are not careful they could find that these
charges stick, and that China unwittingly fulfils a new global role; not
as a modern harmonious society but as an all- purpose rogue state.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

You Don't Have To Leave Your House To Join A Protest For Tibet!

2008-06-02T05:46:39Z

Join the Biggest Ever Protest - for Tibet

On Thursday Aug 7th, the night before the Olympic Games start

Join Candle in My Window - for Tibet

Light a Candle for Tibet at your home, workplace or in a public place.
You will not be alone. Many millions around the world will do the same in prayer for freedom and hope.
And our candles will be seen by billions on TV screens all over the world on the day the Olympics open. Tibet will not be forgotten.

Join http://www.candle4tibet.org/ today and invite all your friends to join too.

We can do it. The world will be watching us.

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

I was tortured in a Chinese prison. Now I'm marching for freedom.

2008-05-29T07:54:11Z

http://news.yahoo.com/s/csm/20080507/cm_csm/yjianli

By Yang Jianli Wed May 7, 4:00 AM ET

Boston - Silence is golden, goes the aphorism. But consider the 1936 Olympics in Nazi Germany. Instead of walking away from the Olympics, which would have removed any tacit approval of Hitler, leaving him less emboldened – possibly even changing the course of history – the world was silent.
ADVERTISEMENT

We stir up trouble by speaking out.

But I am speaking out. Because the people inside China cannot speak out, and because thousands of brothers and sisters in prison need a voice.

I served five years as a political prisoner in China, from which I was released only last year. I was tortured, both physically and psychologically, and put in solitary confinement for the first 14 months. I was charged with "espionage," a crime of which I was innocent, and one that can mean jail for life or result in the death sentence.

My family hired a prominent Chinese lawyer in February 2003, after I had been detained. But it was only after the US House and Senate adopted resolutions calling for my release in June 2003 that I was finally allowed to meet with this lawyer.

The pressure from the US eventually made a great difference in my prison experience – I was given more freedom within the prison, and no longer tortured. The fact is that without the leadership of the US, I might never have been freed.

Even when I was finally released from prison, the Chinese government kept me in China, preventing me from uniting with my family in America. If it were not for Congressman Barney Frank and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson working on my behalf, I would not have been able to come home in August 2007.

I am just one man. But I know I need to speak out for the thousands of political prisoners languishing in jail without hope and support, including dozens still serving time for the Tiananmen Square student democracy movement in 1989; for those lawyers seeking to gain human and civil rights for their clients, for those prohibited from practicing their religion, and for those who are afraid to speak out because of the grave consequences consistently doled out by the Chinese government. I need to speak out for the invisible – the abducted, or those placed under house arrest for no other reason than for attempting to exercise their basic human rights.

So on May 4, I began walking 500 miles. It should take over 32 days to make my way from Boston to Washington, DC. I am calling my walk GongMin, which means "Citizen" in Chinese. I'm walking for "citizen power" in China. I'll walk through Providence, New Haven, Bridgeport, New York, Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore. My walk will conclude on June 4, the 19th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, where there will be a large gathering and remembrance in Washington.

I'm walking 500 miles as a free man, to draw attention to the struggle for freedom and democracy of Han Chinese, Tibetans, Uighurs, Mongolians, and people of all ethnic groups. And I'm walking to call for the US to continue its moral leadership.

The best option is for the US to continue to pressure China to enter a dialogue with human rights advocates around the world.

Human rights are what this great country was founded upon – they cannot, and should not, be commodified or weighed on a scale of pros and cons.

Silence, in this case, is not golden. Silence, as in the 1936 Olympics in Nazi Germany, is deadly.

• Dr. Yang Jianli is founder of Initiatives for China, dedicated to empowering the citizens of China by giving voice to their struggles for a peaceful transition to democratic China. He is a former political prisoner in China.

posted in Free Tibet - 2 replies

The Olympic Fire

2008-04-29T05:57:26Z

http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,545807,00.html

got transported by bus...
I think that never happened before.

posted in Free Tibet - 4 replies

This guy has a cool bog

2008-04-28T07:25:25Z

I found this guy on tribe that wants to make a movie about tibeten people
http://people.tribe.net/tomsepe/blog?topicid=bc0d5def-509b-49ec-bbce-b81e37a16454

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Major pro-Beijing rally at Australia relay

2008-04-24T21:30:29Z

Read the story

http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20080424/wl_nm/olympics_torch_dc

posted in Free Tibet - 5 replies

Tibetan Olympics

2008-04-13T15:29:00Z

The Tibetan Olympics 2008 are being held in Dharmashala, India, 15-25 May, 2008.
http://www.tibetanolympics.com/press/

In the planning for the last two years, this event is needed now more than ever.

The Tibetan Olympic Torch
http://www.tibetanolympics.com/torch_route/

posted in Free Tibet - 4 replies

What U Can Do!

2008-04-13T15:27:03Z

Hi Kids,
So as some of you know I was going to support the Tibetans when the Olympic torch came to San Francisco… and I did…

Photo:
http://www.flickr.com/photos/saltydave/sets/72157604469014539/

Video:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9WapNnarcyo

and I was surprised at the number of pro China supporters. All my youtube coverage received only negative comments… by people that joined 2 days ago (very suspicious). Anyway my point is that the Chinese government has a HUGE sphere of influence… with its CCTV http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/China_Central_Television
And its hordes brain washed nationals…
The Chinese have free thinking people out numbered… they can make a mob of people show up any place and can flood youtube with propaganda… We need to speak up on the internet and bring this battle of information to them… If you have the time please surf youtube and post positive comments on pro tibet videos… tell your friends! This is not a game… this is about a fascist state with lots of resources using all kinds of shifty tactics to win the war of hearts and souls.

posted in Free Tibet - 5 replies

What can we do?

2008-04-07T17:11:39Z

That is it... what can we do about this?
also... what should we do?
They are different questions .... this is about Buddhism isn't it?
Frankly I don't know if I should focus on my daily meditation or engage in civil disobedience.

posted in Free Tibet - 5 replies

Tibet Help

2008-04-04T14:04:22Z

After gaining 1.5 million signatures on the petition it is time for the next step:

send a letter to your head of state to take action about Tibet!

http://www.avaaz.org/en/tibet_report_back/7.php/?cl=69966565

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Caution on Email to TSGs

2008-04-03T11:41:43Z

http://www.phayul.com/news/article.aspx?id=19975

Cyber Attacks Target Pro-Tibet Groups

Just a reminder, we are all familiar with these entire TSG list, but
just read this article and my suspicion had been reinforce by this
article.
I've receiving emails with attachments waiting to be open by some
obscure group claiming to be legit TSG and if you have not notice
this group before, it might sound fishy or too good. Some of the
recent emails I've been receiving as sent on a consistent basis...are
these two:
TibetRevlutionArmy which is claiming 30,000 members all over the
world. Never heard about this group, not to mention 30 thousand,
that's enough to put back the camps in Mustang, never did open their
constitution attachment.
Then this group of 9 Indian students who will be touring India to
spread Tibet awareness and wants you to open their attachment for
suggestion. Never heard of this group again but their intro is...We
are a new group...
Just a heads up and please spread the news.

posted in Free Tibet - 2 replies

Seattle Joins Global Day for Tibet!

2008-04-02T05:19:40Z

March 31, 2008

Spearheaded by the Tibetan Association of Washington, the Global Day of Action for Tibet were joined by the Seattle Friends of Tibet, other non-Tibetans from different Buddhist Dharma practitioners and general sympathizers from the Metro Seattle area. A moving picket, candle vigil and leaflet distribution were simultaneous done last March 31, 2008 to spread awareness on what is going on inside Tibet right now. Also the action was done to coincide with the mass movement in all over major cities around the world. A request was address to ask China to meet and have a dialog with HH the Dalai Lama. This was covered by a major TV network and two of Seattle's leading media news. More mass actions are being scheduled in the future.

Contact your local 'Tibet Support Group' and join the global clamor for a Free Tibet!

~Action4Tibet!

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

"Are Tibetans the new Jews?"

2008-03-31T16:34:01Z

I thought this was an interesting article

http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1206446104194&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

In 1990, the Dalai Lama hosted a delegation of American Jews in Dharamsala, his home in exile in the hill country of northern India. His agenda was clear. Tibetans had lost sovereignty over their homeland and were scattering around the globe. How, he asked, had Jews preserved their cultural and religious identities during their own 2,000-year exile, and what might Tibetans do to preserve theirs?

Some 18 years later, the parallel between Tibet's unfolding and increasingly bleak prospects and the Jewish historical experience seems all the more relevant.

Just as after the failed first century Jewish uprising against Rome, Tibetans are becoming a minority in their homeland thanks to Beijing's strategy of drastically and irreversibly altering Tibet's population by flooding the territory with Han Chinese, China's dominant ethnic group.

Already, two out of every three residents of Lhasa, Tibet's capital, is Han Chinese. In 2006, Beijing hastened the process considerably by opening a high-speed rail link between Lhasa and Beijing. Saffron-robe clad Tibetan Buddhist monks have been replaced by Chinese-run brothels, karaoke bars and a sprawling amusement park that now surround the Portola Palace, the Dalai Lama's former residence and Tibet's equivalent of Jerusalem's ancient Temple.

IT'S EASY to imagine that the only reason China has not razed the Portola Palace as Rome razed the Second Temple is the horrific press response that action would unleash in today's global media environment, a nuisance Rome did not have to contend with. How much easier for Beijing to leave the palace intact, if only for its tourism value, particularly this year when large numbers of foreign visitors are expected to visit China's far-flung provinces as part of their Beijing Olympics experience.

But saving the palace does absolutely nothing to offset the greatest threats to Tibet's future as a political entity run by and for Tibetans: the passing of time and humanity's cruelly short memory.

It took Jews almost two millennia to re-establish an independent state in their homeland. During that time, later-arriving Arabs settled in the land and claimed it as their own. Despite Judaism's numerous ritual reminders of Zion's centrality, Jewish historical ties to the land were conveniently forgotten by most of the world, which came to view modern Jews as having no connection to the ancient Israelites who once populated the same land. As a result, returning Jews were regarded as colonialist interlopers and Arabs were seen as indigenous innocents suffering at the hands of Jewish pretenders.

Tibetans now face a similar inversion of history.

How long will it be before Tibetans are viewed as a relic, and perhaps bothersome, minority in their homeland similar to the condition of Native Americans in the United States, Formosans in Taiwan, or Serbs in Kosovo?

How long must Beijing hold on to Tibet before the world comes to think of Tibet as Chinese territory and favors the claims of the descendants of Chinese settlers over Tibetans seeking to reestablish their historical national rights? Another 30 years? A century or two? Two thousand years?

I FIRST met the Dalai Lama in 1979 in Los Angeles during his initial visit to the United States. Like so many others, I was immediately charmed. Tibetans revered him as the fourteenth in a line of individuals said to be the reincarnation of the Bodhisattva of Compassion, a being who it is said willingly delays completion of his own spiritual enlightenment by repeatedly reincarnating for the purpose of helping others first attain theirs. Yet despite his otherworldly aura, he was entirely approachable, a seemingly "simple monk" - as he often describes himself - in possession of a keen and self-mocking sense of humor.

Speaking on interfaith relations at a Los Angeles World Affairs Council luncheon during that visit, he displayed an infectious giggle over his poor command of English when his interpreter informed him that a Jewish religious leader was called a rabbi, not a "rabie" as he had mispronounced it.

I've since been in his presence as a journalist or spiritual explorer numerous times - at day-long Tibetan religious ceremonies, at meetings with Western scientists during which he spoke about the brain- and personality-altering power of meditation, and at meetings with Washington politicians at which he pushed the Tibetan cause.

Perhaps the most unforgettable encounter was a 1997 Pessah Seder staged in his honor by the Reform movement - at which he decided that gefilte fish wasn't to his liking.

THE DALAI LAMA still retains his trademark demeanor even as his public pronouncements on the future of Tibet have become increasingly dark. He has said he is likely to be the last Dalai Lama (Dalai Lama is a title; the current office holder's actual name is Tenzin Gayatso), which would mean the end of a Tibetan Buddhist tradition stretching back more than 500 years. Rather than lobbying for genuine Tibetan independence, he now restricts himself to calling for Tibetan cultural self-determination.

Politically, the Dalai Lama argues correctly that Tibetans are powerless in the face of brutal Chinese repression and that, for all his pop culture stardom, no nation - not the United States and certainly not little Israel - is willing to antagonize the Chinese behemoth for the sake of strategically meaningless Tibet. Religiously - and he is a religious leader more than he is a political figure - he notes that Buddhism's central beliefs in the impermanence and interdependence of all worldly phenomenon dictate that Tibet's ongoing existence as a separate state is hardly assured or even necessary.

Jewish cultural identity survived the destruction of the Second Temple by shifting from a temple-based religion to its rabbinic form. Moreover, it took Jewish secularists willing to take up the gun for Zionism to gain a state in the modern era.

Tibetan religion and culture are in the initial stages of a similarly radical transformation. What shape that will take and whether it will successfully preserve a distinct Tibetan identity is, of course, unanswerable. What is clear is that Jews and Tibetans have more in common than is superficially apparent - as the Dalai Lama recognized back in 1990.

The writer is an author and editor in Annapolis, Maryland, who writes often about Jews and Buddhism.

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

Bush confronts China on Tibet crackdown

2008-03-26T23:12:12Z

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20080326/ap_on_go_pr_wh/bush_china

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Economics trump human rights

2008-03-25T02:17:25Z

What a joke. At least he openly admits it though, unlike some so-called leaders

news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20080...jc25DmbOrgF

"When you're dealing in international relations with countries as important as China, obviously when you make economic decisions it's sometimes at the expense of human rights," he added. "That's elementary realism."

posted in Free Tibet - 6 replies

Ex-Communist Official Accuses China Of Staging Violent Tibet Riots

2008-03-24T17:53:42Z

Ming claims demonstrations radicalized to justify crackdown and force Dalai Lama to resign

Paul Joseph Watson
Prison Planet
Monday, March 24, 2008

A former Chinese Communist Party official has accused China of staging violent riots in Tibet in order to demonize Tibetans in the eyes of the international community, justify a brutal paramilitary police crackdown and force the Dalai Lama to resign.

Ruan Ming, who was a speechwriter for top CCP officials during the 80's, now lives in Taiwan and serves as diplomatic advisor to President Chen Shui-bian. During his time in the Communist Party, Ming was admired by democracy activists as a reformer.

In an interview carried on the Epoch Times website, Ming warns that the Chinese government is orchestrating some of the more violent riots in an attempt to demonize peaceful Tibetans and justify a greater crackdown.

He blames the Chinese Communists for violence witnessed during the riots in Lhasa on March 10th and argues that a wider agenda is unfolding.

"The CCP carefully staged the unrest in Tibet to deceive the world. Before the incident, the authorities drove away all foreign reporters and even forbade them from going out," said Ming.

"The demonstration on March 10 was meant to be peaceful. You can see from the pictures that the demonstration was all monks," he explained.

Mr. Ruan Ming was a speechwriter for former CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang. (The Epoch Times)

"The CCP arrested some of these monks and killed them. The killing angered some young Tibetans. By March 14, the Tibetans could no longer stand the killing of innocent monks and protested."

"The CCP seized this opportunity and took pictures of these Tibetans in violent actions and sent out officers to do a door-to-door search, calling on the 'guilty' to surrender themselves," Ming concluded.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Seattle Friends of Tibet

2008-03-23T19:54:44Z

Newly organize Tibet support group in the pacific northwest. Would be setting up a regional charter if liason or groups will join within the Pacific Northwest and will be address as - "Northwest Friends of Tibet". If charter is approve or will be accepted by the Global Movement - Friends of Tibet, then international name will go under, "Firends of Tibet - U.S."

If you live in the same area and would like to join, please email us at: SFoT@gmail.com.

Enough if Enough, China needs to know that the whole world is not tolerating this issue anymore.
Join the global clamour for a Free Tibet.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Dalai Lama: "I Am Prepared to Face China. I Will Go to Beijing"

2008-03-23T19:40:22Z

By Andrew Buncombe
The Independent UK

Friday 21 March 2008

As crisis over Tibet deepens, Dalai Lama makes extraordinary offer to negotiate directly with President Hu Jintao.

Dharamsala - Almost half a century after he fled to India, the Dalai Lama has raised the extraordinary prospect of travelling to Beijing and holding face-to-talks with the Chinese regime in an effort to resolve Tibet's most serious crisis for two decades.

Having watched helplessly from exile as his Tibetan homeland has suffered under Chinese rule, the man regarded as a living god by millions of his followers said yesterday that he was ready to negotiate personally with the Chinese leadership. The Dalai Lama, 73, acknowledged the difficulty associated with a face-to-face summit, but said he was even ready to meet President Hu Jintao, notorious in Tibet for his hardline approach when he served as Tibet's local Communist leader. "I am always ready to meet the Chinese leaders, and particularly Hu Jintao. I am very happy to meet," he told a small group of journalists at his office in Dharamsala. "But as I mentioned earlier, to go to Beijing and meet leaders... that would be big news. Many Tibetans would think... may develop some unrealistic expectations. I have to think very carefully."

While a visit to Beijing would leave him open to criticism of appeasing the Chinese, the undertaking the Dalai Lama gave yesterday underlines his desperate wish to avoid further bloodshed in the country of his birth.

Seeking to put pressure on China, he said he was willing to travel to Beijing in a matter of weeks if there was a "concrete indication" that the Chinese authorities were prepared to negotiate and if the protests in Tibet had concluded. His spokesman later confirmed that while he did not wish to simply provide the Chinese with a photo-opportunity that could be used against him, he was ready to discuss a "mutually agreeable solution" to the issue of Tibet.

The remarkable prospect of a summit between the Dalai Lama and the Chinese leadership - either in Beijing or elsewhere - came as China said police had opened fire and wounded four Tibetan protesters in Sichuan province and arrested dozens of others who had ignored a deadline to end the most serious demonstrations to rock Tibet for more than two decades.

Earlier this week, the Chinese leadership indicated it would be prepared to talk to the Dalai Lama if he stopped "separatist activities" and recognised Tibet and Taiwan as parts of China. Gordon Brown told the Commons on Wednesday that the Chinese Premier, Wen Jiabao, had told him he was ready to meet the Dalai Lama if he renounced violence. But assessing the genuine intentions of the Chinese leadership remains at best a guessing game. Beijing is concerned about sullying its reputation ahead of the upcoming Olympic Games, but while giving an undertaking to meet the Dalai Lama, various Chinese officials have continued to demonise him and accuse him and his "clique" of orchestrating the demonstrations in Tibet.

"For the Dalai Lama, we not only listen to what he says, but more importantly, we focus on what he does," said the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, Qin Gang. "He has said he is not a separatist. But all of his propositions and actions prove that he has never stopped his splittist words and deeds."

The Dalai Lama knows his only real leverage as head of a Tibetan government in exile is in winning over international opinion to his cause. Today he is due to meet Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the US House of Representatives, while tomorrow he is scheduled to have lunch with the actor Richard Gere in Delhi. Both have supported him for many years.

Winning the backing of camera-friendly celebrities and power-wielding politicians has long been the strength of the smiling and avuncular 1989 Nobel laureate. Laughing, joking and yet utterly serious all in the space of a sentence, this is a role he continues to play to perfection as the cause to which he has devoted his life receives unprecedented world attention. Never more than now has he needed to stress the importance of non-violent protest and the limited nature of the movement's demands.

"The Chinese constitution already mentions autonomy [for Tibet]. So that should not be just a word on paper but implemented on the spot," he said, sitting in front of a statue of the Buddha. "The whole world knows Dalai Lama is not seeking independence, one hundred times, a thousand times I have repeated this. It is my mantra - we are not seeking independence."

In Beijing, the authorities admitted for the first time that the often violent protests that swept through Lhasa 10 days ago in protest against Chinese rule had spread to other Tibetan communities in additional provinces. Subsequently, the government has dispatched more troops and paramilitaries across the region as it seeks to reassert its control in those areas. It has banned the media and foreign tourists from travelling to the region.

Precisely how many people have been killed or injured as a result of the protests and the subsequent crackdown is unclear. The Chinese government says 16 people have died while the Tibetan exiles say the number stands at 80. On walls and buildings throughout Dharamsala, exiles have posted graphic and disturbing photographs of Tibetans apparently killed by Chinese police or soldiers.

"It's horrible. There are many bodies. The Chinese are holding the bodies," claimed Tenzin Thangh, who was participating in a candlelit vigil through the main street of the town - a procession that has become a nightly occurrence. "The soldiers are going into all parts of Tibet."

>From Dharamsala, a former British hill station established on the peaceful fringe of the Himalayas, Chinese accusations regarding the Dalai Lama's ability to direct events in Tibet and the description of him as "a devil with a human face but the heart of a beast", appear little short of preposterous. Indeed, his cautious "middle way" approach has been criticised by some Tibetans, including the Tibetan Youth Congress which seeks full independence from China. While many younger Tibetans have been outspoken in their criticism of the Dalai Lama's tactics, in recent days they have halted such comments in an apparent effort not to appear divided at a crucial juncture.

What certainly does not seem in doubt is the reverence with which he is held as the community's religious leader. Before meeting reporters yesterday, the Dalai Lama spent time in the flower-filled gardens of the compound receiving and blessing various visitors, including a family who had travelled secretly from Shanghai.

Asked later how he felt about the personal insults that Chinese officials had directed towards him, he said such comments mattered little to him. He also said he did not believe that the international community was taken in by what the Chinese said.

"As a Buddhist monk, it does not matter what they call me," he said with a chuckle. "The outside world doesn't believe that I am [a] devil."

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

Tibetan revolt subject of Dianne Rehm show

2008-03-20T14:13:46Z

http://wamu.org/programs/dr/

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Protests in Tibet

2008-03-18T21:49:07Z

http://www.canada.com/reginaleaderpost/news/story.html?id=a74405a4-6cb0-423a-8f12-de9c60c2ff91&k=2985

Chaos in Tibet capital as protests spread

Chris Buckley and Lindsay Beck
Reuters

Friday, March 14, 2008

CREDIT:
A Tibetan teacher speaks to his young monks during a religious class in the school inside Kumbum Monastery in Huangzhong County, Qinghai province March 14, 2008. Shops were set on fire in violence in Tibet's capital of Lhasa on Friday, China's Xinhua news agency reported after days of rare street protests in the contested region. REUTERS/Nir Elias

CREDIT: REUTERS/Nir Elias
A Tibetan teacher speaks to his young monks during a religious class in the school inside Kumbum Monastery in Huangzhong County, Qinghai province March 14, 2008. Shops were set on fire in violence in Tibet's capital of Lhasa on Friday, China's Xinhua news agency reported after days of rare street protests in the contested region.

BEIJING (Reuters) - Protesters in Tibet's capital Lhasa burnt shops and vehicles and yelled for independence on Friday as the region was hit by its biggest protests for nearly two decades, testing China's grip months before the Olympics.

Peaceful street marches by Tibetan Buddhist monks over previous days gave way to bigger scenes of violence and resentment in the remote, mountainous region.

"Now it's very chaotic outside," an ethnic Tibetan resident said by telephone. "People have been burning cars and motorbikes and buses. There is smoke everywhere and they have been throwing rocks and breaking windows. We're scared."

Another ethnic Tibetan resident said there were "protests everywhere." "It's no longer just the monks. Now they have been joined by lots of residents," the man said.

The eruption of anger comes despite China's repeated claims that the Tibetan people are grateful for improved lives and it threatens to stain preparations for the Beijing Olympics with fears of ethnic unrest.

Chinese rule in remote, Buddhist Tibet has become a focus for critics in the run-up to the August Games, with global marches this week to mark the 49th anniversary of a failed uprising against Communist rule spilling into Tibet itself.

Those marches apparently emboldened Buddhist monks to march down Lhasa's streets, defying a heavy police presence and reports of lockdowns on several monasteries, sources with knowledge of the region said.

On Friday, 300 to 400 residents and monks demonstrated in Lhasa, a source cited a witness as saying, capping a week of daily protests led by the Buddhist clergy that has echoes of anti-government protests that rocked neighbor Myanmar last year.

"Some are angry and some are scared. The security forces are checking houses to see if any monks are hiding," said the source, who is in touch with Tibetan residents.

More than 10 monks had been arrested and tanks were patrolling the square near the Potala Palace, the source said, referring to one of the architectural wonders of the world once the winter residence of Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.

Witnesses said a number of shops were set on fire and report from China's Xinhua news agency said the Tromsikhang Market in central Lhasa was also in flames.

CHAOS

Residents spoke of general chaos around the city, and one Tibetan man said Tibetans and minority Hui Muslim traders from other parts of China were fighting each other with rocks and knives.

A Han Chinese resident said the protests were being directed at the city's Chinese population. "The Han Chinese are really scared," the resident said. "We have been told not to go outside."

"It is very chaotic... There is lots of smoke and police around," said another Han Chinese man. An editor at the Chinese-language Lhasa Evening News said staff were staying inside.

The U.S. Embassy said it had received reports from U.S. citizens of gunfire in Lhasa and advised its citizens there to remain indoors.

Two residents reached by telephone referred to martial law.

But that could not be confirmed and China's State Council Information Office declined to comment, referring only to remarks made on Thursday by a Foreign Ministry spokesman, who said the protesters were "seeking to spark social turmoil."

The demonstrations in Lhasa earlier also spilled into at least one other ethnic Tibetan area of China.

Hundreds of monks from the Labrang monastery in the northwestern province of Gansu led a march through the town of Xiahe, the Free Tibet Campaign said, citing sources in Dharamsala, home to Tibet's government-in-exile.

The region has been periodically restive since Chinese troops invaded in 1950. Nine years later, the Dalai Lama staged a failed uprising against Chinese rule and fled into exile in India.

China imposed martial law in Tibet in 1989, the same year as the Tiananmen Square protests were crushed in Beijing, to quell anti-Chinese demonstrations, when President Hu Jintao was the Communist Party boss in the region.

This week's wave of protests began on Monday, when 500 monks from the Drepung monastery marched in Lhasa. That was followed by action from monks at the Lhasa-area Sera and Ganden monasteries. Security personnel fired tear gas on at least one of the demonstrations, reports said.

The Washington-based International Campaign for Tibet said authorities had sealed off all three monasteries.

The U.S.-government-funded Radio Free Asia (RFA) reported monks from Sera were on a hunger strike, demanding withdrawal of Chinese paramilitary forces from the monastery and the release of monks detained earlier this week.

Two monks from Drepung were in critical condition after attempting suicide by slitting their wrists, RFA said.

posted in Free Tibet - 3 replies

STAND WITH TIBET -SUPPORT THE DALAI LAMA

2008-03-18T10:41:37Z

Stand with Tibet - Support the Dalai Lama
After decades of repression, Tibetans are crying out to the world for change. China's leaders are right now making a crucial choice between escalating brutality or dialogue that could determine the future of Tibet, and China.

We can affect this historic choice -- China does care about its international reputation. But it will take an avalanche of global people power to get the government's attention. The Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, has called for restraint and dialogue: he needs the world's people to support him. Fill out the form below to sign the petition--and spread the word.

Petition to Chinese President Hu Jintao:

As citizens around the world, we call on you to show restraint and respect for human rights in your response to the protests in Tibet, and to address the concerns of all Tibetans by opening meaningful dialogue with the Dalai Lama. Only dialogue and reform will bring lasting stability. China's brightest future, and its most positive relationship with the world, lies in harmonious development, dialogue and respect.

http://www.avaaz.org/en/tibet_end_the_violence/6.php?cl=62146188

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

TIBETAN EXILES GO ON HUNGER STRIKE

2008-03-14T15:48:25Z

The Associated Press

Thursday 13 March 2008

Dehra, India - More than 100 Tibetan exiles began a hunger strike Thursday after police in northern India dragged them away from a six-month march to their homeland to protest China's hosting of the Olympic Games.

The demonstrators had vowed to march from India to Tibet to coincide with the start of the Aug. 8-24 Games. Indian officials - fearing the march would embarrass China - banned the exiles from leaving the Kangra district that surrounds the city of Dharmsala - the headquarters of the Tibetan government-in-exile in India.

The exiles resisted arrest by sitting or lying down, but they were hauled into police buses here in the town of Dehra, about 12 miles from the district boundary. Some wept or shouted "Free Tibet!" and other slogans, but there was no violence, witnesses said.

Senior police official Atul Fulzele said the protesters were charged with threatening the region's "peace and tranquility." Hours after being charged, the protesters began a hunger strike.

The Tibetan exiles appeared before a magistrate late Thursday and were asked to sign a statement promising to refrain from political activity "now and in the future," Tenzin Palkyi, a march coordinator, told The Associated Press.

In the past, protesters charged with similar offenses have been released after formally pledging not to carry on demonstrating.

But the marchers refused and were told that they would be detained for 14 days, Palkyi said. They were being held in a hotel because the jail cannot accommodate them all.

No government official was immediately available to verify Palkyi's comments.

Nine people from the U.S., Scotland, Germany, Poland and Australia, who were marching with the Tibetans but were not arrested, began a hunger strike of their own, said Clay Di'Chro, a U.S. citizen.

Despite the arrests, organizers vowed to continue the march.

"We will have to find a way," said Palkyi. "Our legal team will deal with the police."

The march began Monday, the day Tibetans commemorated their 1959 uprising against China. Demonstrations took place around the world, including a protest by 300 Buddhist monks in the Tibetan capital, Lhasa. That protest is believed to be the largest in the city since Beijing crushed a wave of pro-independence demonstrations in 1989.

Soldiers and police were deployed around two Buddhist monasteries in Lhasa, witnesses and residents said Thursday.

A man who answered the phone at the Sera Monastery said monks had been confined inside. Another Lhasa resident, who also refused to be identified, said the Sera and Drepung monasteries were encircled by army personnel and police.

It is extremely difficult to get independent verification of the events in Tibet since China maintains rigid control over the area.

Earlier Thursday, Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang confirmed that protests had taken place, but said the situation had "stabilized." Qin accused exiled Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama of inciting separatism, though he provided no evidence.

Qin also said China's determination to "safeguard national unification" is firm, so further protests "will not take place."

Beijing maintains that Tibet is historically part of China, but many Tibetans argue the Himalayan region was virtually independent for centuries and accuse China of trying to crush Tibetan culture by swamping it with Han people, the majority Chinese ethnic group.

Associated Press writer Tini Tran in Beijing contributed to this report.

MILITARY, POLICE AT TIBETAN MONASTERIES

Military, Police at Tibetan Monasteries
The Associated Press

Thursday 13 March 2008

Beijing - Soldiers and police have been deployed around two Buddhist monasteries in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa where monks launched protests against Chinese rule earlier this week, witnesses and residents said Thursday.

A man who answered the phone at the Sera monastery said monks have been confined inside its walls, shut off from outside contact, and are relying on dwindling food supplies.

The monastery was "surrounded by many people," said the man, who refused to identify himself or say whether he was a monk.

Another Lhasa resident, who also refused to be identified, said the Drepung monastery was encircled by "three layers" of army personnel while the Sera monastery had been surrounded by more than 2,000 police.

The resident said more than 10 trucks filled with soldiers, nearly a dozen police cars and also ambulances were seen heading to the area.

A Foreign Ministry official in Beijing had no immediate comment late Thursday on the reported police and military presence.

It is extremely difficult to get independent verification of events in Tibet since China maintains rigid control over the area. Foreigners need special travel permits, and journalists are rarely granted access except under highly controlled circumstances.

Large-scale demonstrations by the Buddhist monks began Monday, as they staged a bold, public challenge to China's rule using the anniversary of a failed Tibetan uprising against Beijing rule in 1959.

Demonstrations also spilled over into traditionally Tibetan areas in the neighboring province of Qinghai. Monks at two other monasteries - the Lutsang monastery and Ditsa monastery - also held small protests but were not detained by police, according to U.S. government-funded Radio Free Asia.

An official in the Bureau of Religious Affairs in Guinan County, where Lutsang is located, confirmed that protests had taken place at the monastery.

"For the past few days, we have been on high alert for protests and other formal gatherings by monks as this has been a widespread occurrence," said the official, who refused to give his name.

Earlier Thursday, Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang confirmed that protests had taken place, but said the situation had "stabilized." Qin accused exiled Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama of inciting separatism, though he provided no evidence.

"In recent days, a few monks in Lhasa city have made some disturbances," Qin said at a regular news briefing.

"This is a political scheme by the Dalai group, attempting to separate China and try to make some unrest in the normal harmonious, peaceful life of Tibetan people," he said.

Qin also said China's determination to "safeguard national unification" is firm, so further protests "will not take place."

In the Lhasa protests, the involvement of monks from Sera and Drepung is seen as particularly provocative. The monasteries traditionally trained Buddhist scholars who led theocratic Tibet before China supplanted the Dalai Lama and the rest of the theocracy.

After two demonstrations Monday - one in which 300 or more monks from Drepung marched on the streets of the capital, the other in which a smaller groups of monks from Sera protested - police arrested an unknown number of protesters, according to reports and witnesses.

On Tuesday, police used tear gas to disperse an estimated 500 to 600 monks from the nearby Sera monastery who were marching to demand the release of imprisoned fellow monks, Radio Free Asia reported.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Conspiracy History compilation DVDs torrents

2008-03-06T14:38:35Z

**************************************************

Greetings to all my relations.

This is the last step of our project History Watch. If History is
defined and known by the texts, we can now add to this definition the
recorded events of the filmed archives. Animated images are harder to
deny than printed words. Our objective is to spread out freely some of
the little broadcast, even hidden informations about our collective
History.

We put online a collection of 391 documentaries and other selected and
recut videos, to offer to a wide public the best of the infos
available on the net in english and in french. If you are interested,
you have the time, the right equipment and connection, all you have to
do is open the joint document and decompress it if needed (but normaly
your system should do it automaticaly). You'll find therein nine links
that will open the torrents for the nine DVDs we compiled (around 4.6
Gig each, for a total of a little over 41 G, being over 100 hours of
videos).

Otherwise, you can go directly to btjunkie.com and search for these titles.

11 Septembre 2001 - 9-11
Bush family & friends
Capitalist & Communist regimes
Capitalist conspiracy
Mind Kontrol - Secret Programs
New World Order - Secret Societies
Secret services - cover up - covert ops
Secret weapons - UFO
Terrorism Theories propaganda

Torrents are a system of peer to peer data transfer. The more people
download a torrent, the faster it spreads and the longer it stays on
the net. If you don't have a bittorrent software, we suggest that you
download uTorrent on utorrent.com. If you want to participate in
facilitating the diffusion of these infos about our collective
History, download these torrents on as many computers as possible,
whether it is in cybercafes. It takes one or two minutes to open up
the links and the downloading will keep proceeding on its own.

Please spread this out, take part in this action for social education
on a planetary scale. Thanks.

For more info: watch.history@gmail.com History Watch

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

BEIJING: WE ARE READY

2007-12-11T12:43:47Z

International Human Rights Day

December 10th marks International Human Rights Day, At a time when the Chinese government cares more about its international image than ever before, we need your help to spread the message that China is a human rights failure.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MO_SeeTV88A

Please, share this video with your friends.

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

Phat Buddhist Chants on Tracks: Vajrasattva and Heart Suttra!!!

2007-11-20T00:36:17Z

http://www.lotsawahouse.org/audio.html

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

TRUTH IS FREE; so is my RETREAT --Vermont

2007-11-05T17:53:10Z

There is no need to worry.
I'm looking to network with folks, to extend an invitation to visit Bald Mountain Retreat (www.baldmountainretreat.com) as my guest. Like-minded people who appreciate rustic accommodations are welcome to come up at no charge. (Those who require a private room can inquire about those accommodations as well.)
Basically, I'm offering people the opportunity to come stay with a retired naturopathic doctor in a truly amazing natural setting, secluded, idyllic, peaceful...
Also, if you might like to lead a retreat, please contact me.
Thank you and you are welcome,
Dr David

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

China pissed over Harper's meeting with Dali Lama

2007-10-30T16:19:34Z

http://www.canada.com/reginaleaderpost/news/story.html?id=3de7e1ec-f3db-4e53-bf24-5f419fb17ec1&k=62246

PM's Dalai Lama meeting 'disgusting conduct': China

CanWest News Service

Canada's Prime Minister Stephen Harper welcomes Tibet's exiled spiritual leader the Dalai Lama after receiving a scarf at the start of their meeting in Harper's office on Parliament Hill in Ottawa October 29, 2007.

SHANGHAI - China dropped the diplomatic niceties Tuesday and labelled Prime Minister Stephen Harper's official meeting with the Dalai Lama "disgusting conduct."

Foreign ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao told reporters in Beijing: "This kind of disgusting conduct from Canada has seriously hurt Chinese people's feelings and seriously undermined Sino-Canadian relations."

Liu continued: "It's gross interference in China's affairs and the Chinese side expresses its strong dissatisfaction and resolute opposition."

Canadian Embassy officials refused to say whether the ambassador in Beijing was called in by the Chinese to receive a formal complaint.

However, an official in the office of the spokesperson for China's Foreign Ministry said in an interview: "We have made our representations to the Canadian side."

He would not say at what level the complaints were voiced, but said Chinese officials had protested both in Beijing and Ottawa.

China's angry words were a repeat of the condemnation it aimed at the Americans earlier this month when President George W. Bush awarded the exiled Tibetan holy man the Congressional Gold Medal.

At that time, the American ambassador was called on the rug by the Foreign Ministry and forced to hear the complaints in person.

The Chinese regard the Dalai Lama as a separatist and it infuriates them when overseas government's honour him.

"For decades the Dalai Lama's words and deeds have demonstrated that he is a political exile who wears a religious cloak while engaging in activities splitting the motherland and sabotaging ethnic unity", Liu said.

In what was described as an "historic meeting," Harper met with the Dalai Lama on Parliament Hill for 40 minutes Monday and invited television cameras and photographers to record the event.

In 2004, when former prime minister Paul Martin met the Nobel laureate, he kept things low-key in a bid not to annoy Canada's second largest trading partner. The meeting was in a private residence in Ottawa and photographers were not invited.

China has been upset with Canada since the House of Commons awarded the Dalai Lama honourary Canadian citizenship in June, 2006. Tensions increased further when Canadian citizen Huseyin Cellil, from Burlington, Ont., was denied access to Canadian consular help during his trial in a Chinese court.

He was subsequently convicted and sentenced to life in prison for alleged connections to a terrorist group. Harper loudly criticized the process and spoke out publicly against China's human rights abuses.

The quarrel disrupted diplomatic relations between Canada and China to the extent that the first senior Conservative government minister did not visit China until January, when International Trade Minister David Emerson came to Beijing, and then foreign minister Peter MacKay did not visit until April.

It was an extremely slow diplomatic start by the Harper government, given China's growing economic importance. Canada-China trade was worth $42 billion in 2006.

Over the years, China has issued pro forma complaints whenever foreign government's honoured the Dalai Lama, a man it drove into exile in 1959, but in recent months it's rhetoric has intensified.

In the lead-up to next summer's Olympic Games in Beijing, China appears determined to weigh in quickly and heavily on any issue that has the potential of sparking a boycott. The human rights situation in Tibet is at the top of its worry list.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

CREATION OF THE COMPASSION PEACE MANDALA OCT 20 MARIN RETREAT & EMPOWERMENT

2007-10-07T12:55:40Z

CREATION OF THE COMPASSION PEACE MANDALA
A Special Workshop and Empowerment With
Lama Pema Tendzin

CREATION OF THE COMPASSION PEACE MANDALA
A Benefit Workshop with Bhutanese Thangka Artist Lama Pema Tendzin

This is a beautiful and rare opportunity to learn the ancient art of traditional sacred thangka painting from a master artist and lineage holder. Lama Pema Tendzin has paintings in permanent and private collections throughout the United States including the San Francisco Asian art museum. Additionally he has had the honor of creating beautiful ceremonial thankas for the Dalai Lama.

Lama Pema Tendzin began studying the sacred art of thangka under the tutelage of his teacher Buli Tulku Rinpoche since he was six years old. More than paintings, thangkas are potent tools for meditation, contemplation and transformation.

For this special workshop, Lama Pema Tendzin will be leading us in the creation of the Compassion Peace Mandala. The day opens with meditation, mantra and prayers.

We will then draw and paint the mandalas together under this master artist's tutelage. When the painting is completed Lama Pema and Tsewong Sitar Rimpoche will lead us in a mantra, prayer and blessing to activate the mandala. This workshop gives participants active creative time with these very special beings in the creation of a potent piece of art that will Benefit all Beings.

A SPECIAL BENEFIT:

All proceeds from this event will go towards a special painting of Guru Rimpoche Padmasambhva. This painting measuring 30 feet high by 25 feet high will be placed on the mountainside next to the Sangye Tang monastery in Bhutan.

Guru Rimpoche Padmasambhava is recognized as the principle teacher to bring Buddhism to Tibet in the 8th Century. The painting, which will be completed in February of 2008, was revealed in a vision to Lama Pema's brother Tsewong Sitar Rinpoche. Tsewong Sitar Rimpoche is the head of Sangye Tang monastery in Eastern Bhutan. Founded in the late 1500's, this monastery is in view of one of Padmasambhava's sacred pilgrimage sites. The painting will promote blessings, peace and rejuvenation.

Details:

Cost: $60.00 (Payment can be made in advance by check or by check or cash at the door).

Date: October 20th, 2007

Time: 10am-5pm

Contact-Registration: phone: 415.686.1516 email:h2olotustemple@yahoo.com

Additional Details:

Himalayan tea and delicacies will be served. There will be a lunch break and you may bring lunch at your discretion. This special event will be held at a beautiful Marin private home and directions will be given upon registration.

LAMA PEMA TENDZIN

Links:
www.sangngak.com

www.vajrayanaarts.org

A Rare Exhibition of Lama Pema's Thangkas: October 27, 2007
A rare exhbition of Lama Pema's thankas will be showcased on the evening of 10.27.2007 at Cobalt Sun Gallary (www.cobaltsun.net) in Sausalito, California. The evening will include a special mantra empowerment. Select paintings will be available for sale.

For information call: 415.383.1741

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Blood Over Nangpa-La

2007-10-03T06:03:40Z

Today is the one year anniversary of the shooting of the Tibetan refugees [09/30/06] who were crossing the Himalayas. As we have known, an actual footage of this event was documented by foreign mountain climbers, who were able to take the video. This video shows a clear fact of how the Chinese authorities treat the Tibetan people (before and presently) and their official response to the incident.
A video presentation was done last night in Seattle and was sponsored by the International Campaign for Tibet (ICT), and by the following Seattle chapters of ... Students for Free Tibet (SFT), Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), Tibetan Association of Washington (TAW).
Personally this incident last year transformed me from a passive to an active Tibet supporter. Before I used to contribute small amounts here and there to ICT and that was it. After this Nangpa-la incident I have been active as I can on the Tibet issue (thats with a full time job and a family). I was able to help setup the first ever Tibet support in the Philippines (see link below) and have joined a lot of Tibet support activity here in Greater Seattle where I currently live.
The video is very touching and nicely presented and was even able to meet personally the young producer; Rabyoung Thonden Gyalkhang. After the show copies in DVD format were given, free-of-charge since Mr Gyalkhang had earlier stated that this DVD was done in order to show the current brutality the Tibetan people are still going thru todate and since this was the first time ever was captured in video and by foreign nationalities who were not Tibetans nor Chinese.
I hope people will be expose to the current Tibetan issues thru this DVD and hopefully this group could do its share in spreading this info.
Try to check on the SFT or ICT web sites for more info on how to acquire a free copy of this video.
My well wishes.
http://www.webspawner.com/users/sacredriver

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

The next Lama: The Dalai Lama says he won't reincarnate in Tibet

2007-09-30T07:45:36Z

By Matthew Philips
Newsweek

Aug. 20-27, 2007 issue - In one of history's more absurd
acts of totalitarianism, China has banned Buddhist monks
in Tibet from reincarnating without government
permission. According to a statement issued by the State
Administration for Religious Affairs, the law, which goes
into effect next month and strictly stipulates the
procedures by which one is to reincarnate, is "an
important move to institutionalize management of
reincarnation." But beyond the irony lies China's true
motive: to cut off the influence of the Dalai Lama,
Tibet's exiled spiritual and political leader, and to
quell the region's Buddhist religious establishment more
than 50 years after China invaded the small Himalayan
country. By barring any Buddhist monk living outside
China from seeking reincarnation, the law effectively
gives Chinese authorities the power to choose the next
Dalai Lama, whose soul, by tradition, is reborn as a new
human to continue the work of relieving suffering.

At 72, the Dalai Lama, who has lived in India since 1959,
is beginning to plan his succession, saying that he
refuses to be reborn in Tibet so long as it's under
Chinese control. Assuming he's able to master the feat of
controlling his rebirth, as Dalai Lamas supposedly have
for the last 600 years, the situation is shaping up in
which there could be two Dalai Lamas: one picked by the
Chinese government, the other by Buddhist monks. "It will
be a very hot issue," says Paul Harrison, a Buddhism
scholar at Stanford. "The Dalai Lama has been the prime
symbol of unity and national identity in Tibet, and so
it's quite likely the battle for his incarnation will be
a lot more important than the others."
So where in the world will the next Dalai Lama be born?
Harrison and other Buddhism scholars agree that it will
likely be from within the 130,000 Tibetan exiles spread
throughout India, Europe and North America. With an
estimated 8,000 Tibetans living in the United States,
could the next Dalai Lama be American-born? "You'll have
to ask him," says Harrison. If so, he'll likely be
welcomed into a culture that has increasingly embraced
reincarnation over the years. According to a 2005 Gallup
poll, 20 percent of all U.S. adults believe in
reincarnation. Recent surveys by the Barna Group, a
Christian research nonprofit, have found that a quarter
of U.S. Christians, including 10 percent of all
born-again Christians, embrace it as their favored
end-of-life view. A non-Tibetan Dalai Lama, experts say,
is probably out of the question.

posted in Free Tibet - 3 replies

How best to boycott China's system

2007-09-10T01:44:15Z

How should concerned individuals and groups refrain from supporting the wrong actions of the Chinese system?

If we want to boycott the ethnicide of Tibet, we must boycott China.
If we want to boycott the suppresion of democracy, we must boycott China.
If we want to boycott slavery, we must boycott China.
If we want to boycott the poisoning of children, we must boycott China.
If we want to boycott the poisoning of pets, we must boycott China.

But Chinese imports are everywhere (at least in North America). They often are not even labelled as being from China.
For example, most "fish kibbles" for farmed fish are manufactured in Chinese factories, but farmed fish from Canada or Chile is not labeled as Chinese.

How do we resist?

posted in Free Tibet - 3 replies

Lhadon Tethong's message

2007-08-19T00:05:11Z

inspiring...

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zicF8q4XNo8

posted in Free Tibet - 1 reply

Two Canadians among 6 detained after Tibet protest in Beijing

2007-08-07T17:15:26Z

Some brave souls...

Two Vancouverites among six detained after protest in Beijing

Meagan Fitzpatrick
CanWest News Service
Tuesday, August 07, 2007

OTTAWA -- Two Canadians are among six protesters being detained by Chinese authorities after unfurling a banner on the Great Wall of China protesting China's presence in Tibet, according to the group that organized the demonstration.

Melanie Raoul and Sam Price, both Vancouver residents, have not been heard from since about 10:30 a.m. local time Tuesday in Beijing, said Tenzin Dorjee, deputy director of Students for a Free Tibet.

The Canadians and four other protesters began their demonstration about 90 minutes earlier (about 6 p.m. PT on Monday) when they unfurled a 450-square-foot banner reading "One World, One Dream, Free Tibet 2008."

The protest was organized to mark the one-year countdown to the 2008 Olympics in Beijing. The slogan for the Games is "One World, One Dream."

The group Students for a Free Tibet maintain that the Chinese government is exploiting the 2008 Summer Olympics and that the International Olympic Committee (IOC) is allowing it to spread "propaganda."

"The Chinese government is trying to use the 2008 Olympics as a tool to legitimize its illegal occupation of Tibet and also to gain acceptance as a leader on the world stage and we think that's totally unacceptable because of the reality on the ground and the real situation inside Tibet which is one of very, very brutal occupation and oppression and suppression of human rights," Dorjee said in an interview from the organization's New York office.

He said the IOC is standing by while China tries to project a false image. "The IOC is actually culpable. They are actually allowing Chinese authorities to use the Olympics as a platform to promote China's image as a free and open society and to promote the Tibetans as happy and prosperous living under Chinese rule," Dorjee said.

Dorjee said the group is trying to get help from consulate offices in China to locate where the protesters were taken by Chinese authorities. Three of the other protesters are American and one is British.

At this point, Students for a Free Tibet does not have confirmation that its six members have been arrested and are assuming they are being held because they lost contact with the protesters.

"Because we haven't heard anything from them, we're assuming they're still in detention," said Dorjee.

During the demonstration, the protesters were communicating by cellphone with their colleagues and even uploaded video of themselves unfurling the banner using a laptop computer. While on the phone, one of the protesters said Chinese authorities were arriving on the scene and the group has not been heard from since. Dorjee suspects the group's two cell phones were confiscated.

A spokesperson from Canada's Foreign Affairs Department could not confirm if two Canadians are being detained in China but is investigating the report.

Dorjee said Raoul and Price have been members of Students for a Free Tibet, an international grassroots organization, for several years.

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

8-18: Himalayan Fest: entertainment with a message from leaders in Tibetan cultural preservation

2007-08-06T03:43:08Z

ABC-Profiled Performer, Asian Art Museum Artist Headline Festival
Entertainment with a message from Leaders in Tibetan cultural preservation

Singer and dancer Tsering Wangmo and artist Ang Tsherin Sherpa , who will headline the 2nd West Marin Himalayan Festival at the San Geronimo Valley Community Center on Saturday August 18th from 11-5pm, share more than their passion for their chosen art forms, both are internationally-recognized leaders at the forefront of the effort to preserve Tibet's cultural heritage.

Seen on ABC’s “Profiles in Excellence” last year Tsering Wangmo, a co-founder of Chaksam-Pa, the world’s premiere musical group preserving Tibetan culture, is one of only 60 masters of the Tibetan performance arts. She was among those selected to study in the Tibetan Music, Dance and Drama Society founded in Dharamsala, India in 1959 by the Dalai Lama in response to China’s occupation of Tibet and use of Tibetan storytelling and operas to spread propaganda. Wangmo has performed around the world and with notables including David Bowie, Laurie Anderson, Ray Davies (the Kinks), Ziggy Marley and Phillip Glass. To view the ABC profile please go to: http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=8588103701784969838&pr=goog-sl <http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=8588103701784969838&pr=goog-sl>

Ang Tsherin Sherpa, a renowned third generation Thangka (sacred banners) painter who has shown in the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco twice and whose painting “Green Tara” is owned by actor Richard Gere, will provide an all-day demonstration of this sacred art form with hourly art talks. He has had murals commissioned by Monasteries, has been shown and collected internationally and teaches in Marin and other parts of the Bay Area. He and his father Urgen Dorje are working to preserve the tradition of Thangka painting and plan to open a school to train people of all ages and backgrounds in Thangka painting in Nepal, where Dorje is based. Commenting on his work Sherpa says, ”The strict tradition of Thangka painting teaches one how to view oneself as a channel through which all the deities manifest. There’s room for self-expression in Thangka painting but the actual practice is to eliminate the self clinging to ego.” ¬

The visual arts component of the Festival has expanded substantially with the all-day Thangka demonstration as well as a entire gallery devoted to a show by Fairfax-based Nepali contemporary painter, Sunila Bajracharya. Her work has been collected and shown internationally including at the 10th Asia Biennial Bangladesh, 5th International Art Exhibition at Gallery Dikmayer in Berlin, and as part of a special online exhibition of the International Museum of Women. Attendees will be able to meet Bajracharya at the Festival where she will be on hand to answer questions and discuss her work.

Additional performances include traditional Tibetan music and dance from the children’s performance group of the Tibetan Association of Northern California who are saving these traditions for the coming generations.
Vandhana Dance Company will perform North Indian Kathak dance featuring Megan Black who trained under Smt. Kumudini Lakhia, one of the foremost Kathak exponents in India today. Michael Davis, who has been seen on All India Television and at the Center for World Music in Madras, will perform Carnatic bamboo flute, a South Indian tradition accompanied by Douglas Vurek, who studied with South Indian percussion legend Palghat Mani Iyer on mridangam. Additional performers to be announced.

Event attendees are welcome to create their own Tibetan art in the Prayer Flag making activity. There will be kid-oriented activities and toys for children 0-5 available. There are also 3 playgrounds on our campus outside the event area. Authentic meals, snacks and beverages will be available including mouth-watering traditional handmade Tibetan Momos (dumplings) and more food to be announced. The Festival offers the best of Himalayan vendors who have traveled from up to 2 hours away creating an exciting outdoor shopping experience where unique clothing, jewelry, carpets, art, household items, books and more can be found.

After drawing 400 attendees in it¹s inaugural year, the 2nd West Marin Himalayan Festival expects to draw substantially more to enjoy a dynamic outdoor family-friendly festival in the beautiful San Geronimo Valley
setting on this Saturday, August 18th from 11-5pm. Tickets will be: Adults $8-15 sliding scale; Kids 3 and up $5; Families of 4 plus $25. Coproducers: San Geronimo Valley Community Center & the Himalaya Resource Center. Partial proceeds will benefit Himalayan Organizations of the Bay Area. The other portion will support the Community Center’s programs including the emergency food pantry, teen center, and services for families.

The San Geronimo Valley Community Center is located at 6350 Sir Francis Drake Blvd. 9 miles west of San Rafael in Marin. There is extensive parking in the area and the Community Center is a Stage bus stop. Visit www.sgvcc.org <http://www.sgvcc.org> <http://www.sgvcc.org <http://www.sgvcc.org> > or call 415-488-8888 for more information

Directions: From US 101, take the Central San Rafael Exit and turn West onto 3rd Street. Follow 3rd street west through San Rafael and turn Right onto Sir Francis Drake Blvd. Follow Sir Francis Drake Blvd. through the towns of San Anselmo and Fairfax. We are approximately 5 miles west of Fairfax. Pass
the San Geronimo Valley Golf Course and keep going for another 1/4 mile. Turn into the 1st parking lot on your right. (Look out for the Community Center Marquee). (Under 1 hour from SF, Berkeley; Under 40 minutes from Petaluma, Bolinas.)

Closest Lodgings: Valley Inn (415) 488-0105. Camping: Samuel P. Taylor State Park 415-488-9897. From the east, we are en route to Point Reyes National Seashore.

******
Also, visit us next weekend for dancing –
Sat Aug 11, 8pm at San Geronimo Valley Community Center
Please join us for a
Conscious Dance Party with The Human Revolution!
Adults $15; Seniors $12; Kids $8.

The Human Revolution serves up “conscious dance music for the people” tackling serious topics in infectiously fun world-beat & Americana tunes. Popular at Earthdance, and known for election year favorite, “Don’t Blame Me, I Voted for Willie Nelson” they‘ve played The Ashland Summer Music Festival & have been called “melodious nourishment for the soul” (Caspar Inn).
Visit www.sgvcc.org <http://www.sgvcc.org> <http://www.sgvcc.org> or call 415-488-8888 for more information

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

LOL... THE CHINESE LEADERS REALLY MEAN THIS...

2007-08-05T07:54:17Z

China tells living Buddhas to obtain permission before they reincarn

China tells living Buddhas to obtain permission before they reincarnate
Tibet’s living Buddhas have been banned from reincarnation without permission from China’s atheist leaders. The ban is included in new rules intended to assert Beijing’s authority over Tibet’s restive and deeply Buddhist people.

“The so-called reincarnated living Buddha without government approval is illegal and invalid,” according to the order, which comes into effect on September 1.

The 14-part regulation issued by the State Administration for Religious Affairs is aimed at limiting the influence of Tibet’s exiled god-king, the Dalai Lama, and at preventing the re-incarnation of the 72-year-old monk without approval from Beijing.

It is the latest in a series of measures by the Communist authorities to tighten their grip over Tibet. Reincarnate lamas, known as tulkus, often lead religious communities and oversee the training of monks, giving them enormous influence over religious life in the Himalayan region. Anyone outside China is banned from taking part in the process of seeking and recognising a living Buddha, effectively excluding the Dalai Lama, who traditionally can play an important role in giving recognition to candidate reincarnates.

For the first time China has given the Government the power to ensure that no new living Buddha can be identified, sounding a possible death knell to a mystical system that dates back at least as far as the 12th century.

China already insists that only the Government can approve the appointments of Tibet’s two most important monks, the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama. The Dalai Lama’s announcement in May 1995 that a search inside Tibet — and with the co- operation of a prominent abbot — had identified the 11th reincarnation of the Panchen Lama, who died in 1989, enraged Beijing. That prompted the Communist authorities to restart the search and to send a senior Politburo member to Lhasa to oversee the final choice. This resulted in top Communist officials presiding over a ceremony at the main Jokhang temple in Lhasa in which names of three boys inscribed on ivory sticks were placed inside a golden urn and a lot was then drawn to find the true reincarnation.

The boy chosen by the Dalai Lama has disappeared. The abbot who worked with the Dalai Lama was jailed and has since vanished. Several sets of rules on seeking out “soul boys” were promulgated in 1995, but were effectively in abeyance and hundreds of living Buddhas are now believed to live inside and outside China.

All Tibetans believe in reincarnation, but only the holiest or most outstanding individuals are believed to be recognisable — a tulku, or apparent body. One Tibetan monk told The Times: “In the past there was no such regulation. The management of living Buddhas is becoming more strict.”

The search for a reincarnation is a mystical process involving clues left by the deceased and visions among leading monks on where to look. The current Dalai Lama, the fourteenth of the line, was identified in 1937 when monks came to his village.

China has long insisted that it must have the final say over the appointment of the most senior lamas. Tibet experts said that the new regulations may also be aimed at limiting the influence of new lamas.

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article2194682.ece

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

The Oracle of Tibet will also be making three appearances in Los Angeles (see below)

2007-06-21T05:29:47Z

June 28
THURSDAY
7:00PM
Hosted by Lucy Casado

Welcome Ceremony at the famous Lucy’s El Adobe. Owner Lucy Casado has hosted Robert F. Kennedy, Cesar Chavez, U.S. Presidents, and numerous Tibetan delegations, including Tibetan sand mandalas constructed in the "Tibetan monks room" where she will welcome Venerable Thupten Ngodup, the Medium of Tibet's Chief State Oracle.

Address:
Lucy's El Adobe Cafe & Restaurant
5536 Melrose Avenue
Hollywood, CA 90038
Contact: Dana Walden, 323-650-1101
Eemail: danagwalden@gmail.com

L.A. Contact
Dana Walden
323 650-1101
310 430-9831 (mobile)
danagwalden@gmail.com

June 29
FRIDAY
5:30 PM
"The Time is Now"
Conversation between the Venerable Thupten Ngodup, the Medium of Tibet's Chief State Oracle, Don Alejandro Cirilo Perez Oxlaj, Head of the Council of Elders of the Maya as well as Head of Indigenous Council of the Americas, and Ruben Saufkie, Hopi Messenger of Water, who will also perform the Eagle Dance. (He will be joined by his thirteen year old son, Jordan). After this dialogue, Venerable Thupten Ngodup will speak on Global Warming and personal responsibility and offer healing and blessings. Please join us for this unprecedented event.

...and a music concert with:

Sacred chanting by Tibetan monks
Cellist, Michael Fitzpatrick (website...)
Inner Voice (website...)
$25 suggested donation

Golden Bridge Yoga
Founder: Gurmukh
6322 De Longpre Ave.
Los Angeles 90028
Contact: Sadasimran
www.goldenbridgeyoga.com

L.A. Contact
Dana Walden
323 650-1101
310 430-9831 (mobile)
danagwalden@gmail.com

June 30
SATURDAY
11:00 AM
Venerable Thupten Ngodup, the Medium of Tibet's Chief State Oracle, will offer Long Life Initiation to remove obstacles, promote healing and long life; and will offer blessings.

...and music with:

Sacred chanting by Tibetan monks
Cellist, Michael Fitzpatrick (website...)
$25 suggested donation

Golden Bridge Yoga
6322 De Longpre Ave.
Los Angeles 90028
Contact: Sadasimran
www.goldenbridgeyoga.com

L.A. Contact
Dana Walden
323 650-1101
310 430-9831 (mobile)
danagwalden@gmail.com

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

young identity in exile

2007-06-14T17:46:08Z

I am working on a script for a documentary about identity of young people in exile, myself I have palestinian roots... the film would be mostly about expression of identity of a culture one does not live in... or is it just another culture... the exile culture... art, poetry, life.. connecting old to the new.
One part of the documentary would be about tibet..
If there are any young people in exile I could connect with, and hear some stories, I would be most grateful.

much love

Ayola
Nyima Wangmo

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

Liason in Seattle

2007-05-28T09:38:17Z

This post is about something important and urgent. It's about a beautiful race with a rich culture that is centered on the principles of buddhism and harmony. Its about this beautiful land in the himalayas, once dubbed as "Sangrila". A peacefull and serene independent country, thats until the Chinese People's Republic invaded it and had force their policy on this unique place. Today, Tibet is a sad and occupied country, where its culture, religion and the people in it are slowly being eradicated with the Chinese dictatorship and policy. The current massive immigration of Han Chinese (now flooding Tibet) are making the ethnic Tibetans a minority in their own country.

If you live in the greater Seattle area or Western Washington State, and if you are interested in the Tibet issue, please get in touch with me. Its is high time that a Tibetan support group should be form and come out from the Seattle area and join the worldwide movement for a Free Tibet. Your help is needed.

sacredriver@email.com

posted in Free Tibet - 0 replies

2012

2007-04-09T11:43:47Z

In case you haven't heard...

Remote viewing Tibetan monks see Extra Terrestrial powers saving the
World from destroying itself in 2012. Remote viewing is nothing new
in Tibetan monasteries. For thousands of years remote viewing in the
middle of other spiritual activities have dominated Tibetan culture.
What some Indian tourists came to learn from a few Tibetan
monasteries under the current Chinese rule is extremely alarming and
fascinating. According to these tourists remote viewers are seeing
world powers in the course of self-destruction. They also see that
the world will not be destroyed. Between now and 2012 the world super
powers will continue to engage in regional wars. Terrorism and covert
war will be the main problem. In world politics something will happen
in and around 2010. At that time the world powers will threaten to
destroy each other. Between 2010 and 2012, the whole world will get
polarized and prepare for the ultimate dooms day. Heavy political
maneuvers and negotiations will take place with little progress. In
2012, the world will start plunging into a total destructive nuclear
war. And at that time something remarkable will happen, says,
Buddhist monk of Tibet. Supernatural divine powers will intervene.
The destiny of the world is not to self-destruct at this time.
Scientific interpretation of the monks' statements makes it evident
that the Extra Terrestrial powers are watching us every step of the
way. They will intervene in 2012 and save the world from self-
destruction. When asked about recent UFO sightings in India and
China, the monks smiled and said the divine powers are watching us
all. Mankind cannot and will not be allowed to alter the future to
that great extent. Every human being though their current acts in
life called "Karma" can alter the future lives to some extent, but
changing the destiny in that large extent will not be allowed to that
great an extent. Monks also mentioned that beyond 2012 our current
civilization would understand that the final frontier of science and
technology is in area of spirituality and not material physics and
chemistry. Beyond 2012, out technologies will take a different
direction. People will learn the essence of spirituality, the
relation between body and the soul, the reincarnation and the fact we
are connected with each other are all part of "God". In India and
China UFO sightings have increased in many folds. Many say the
Chinese and Indian Governments are being contacted by the Extra
Terrestrials. In recent days most UFO activities have been seen in
those countries who have indigenously developed Nuke capabilities.
When asked if these extra-terrestrials will show up in reality in
2012, the answers remote viewers are giving is: they will reveal
themselves in such a way that none of us scared. They will reveal
themselves only if they have to. As our science and technology
progresses, we are destined to see them and interact with them any
way. According to the remote viewers, our earth is blessed and is
being saved continuously from all kinds of hazards all the time that
we are not even aware of. As our technologies progress we will
realize how external forces saved us.

posted in Free Tibet - 6 replies